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West Bengal carries out first hanging in India in a decade
By Sarath Kumara
30 September 2004
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Last month the Indian state of West Bengal carried out the
countrys first hanging since 1995. The state execution was
particularly significant because it was carried out, not by an
openly right-wing party, but by a left coalition led
by the Stalinist Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M).
Dhananjoy Chatterjee, 43, was put to death on August 14 for
the rape and murder of 14-year-old student Hetal Parekh in 1990,
despite doubts about his conviction and appeals for clemency from
his father and human rights organisations such as Amnesty International
and the Asia Human Rights Commission (AHRC). The European Union
(EU) also called on India to stop the execution and abolish capital
punishment.
Chatterjee insisted right up to the end that he was innocent
of all charges. There were no eyewitnesses to the actual crime.
Several witnesses claimed to have seen Chatterjee going to Parekhs
apartment while her parents were away. Police alleged that he
committed the crime in revenge after she complained to her parents
that he was harassing her. Chatterjee, who was employed as a security
guard at the housing complex, fled after the murder and Parekhs
watch was found in his village.
At the time that Chatterjee was convicted, no DNA testing was
available. But when his defence lawyer later requested the procedure
be carried out, the court rejected the petition.
A journalist with the Telegraph noted that the trial
judge R.N. Kali appeared to be biased from the start. In an interview
after the case had been put before him, the judge likened the
crime to the murder of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi who
was assassinated by one of her own bodyguards.
It would appear that the judges mind was made up
even before the defence could plead the case, he wrote in
August, adding: The evidence against the convict, as recalled
by the judge, was not just circumstantial but also does not appear
to have been conclusive.
Chatterjee appealed to the High Court and Supreme Court and
submitted pleas for mercy to the state governor and two Indian
presidents, including the present incumbent. All were rejected.
Chatterjee was too poor to hire decent lawyers. One of his appeals
was reportedly written by a fellow prisoner who worked in the
jail welfare department. Only during the final stages did Amnesty
International help him obtain proper legal assistance.
In his final court appeal, Chatterjees lawyers called
for his sentence to be commuted to life imprisonment, citing previous
cases where the execution had been delayed for a lengthy period.
The Supreme Court rejected the argument, saying that Chatterjee,
not the state, was responsible for the delay of 10 years.
Chatterjee is only the 55th person to be executed since Indian
independence in 1947. In the face of significant opposition to
state executions, trials and appeals in such cases are usually
lengthy and the death sentence rarely carried out. Between 1991
and 1998, 700 people were sentenced to death, but most are still
involved in judicial appeals or have been granted clemency.
In this case, West Bengals Left Front government, backed
by the media, waged an active campaign for the execution to be
carried out, playing on sympathy for the victim and portraying
Chatterjee as a dangerous psychopath. Despite the lack of evidence,
one TV channel produced a one-sided serial dramatisation of the
crime and screened it several times. Several other channels followed
suit with their own biased programs.
The TV and newspapers attempted to whip up a hanging fever
with detailed descriptions and illustrations of how the execution
was to take place. This grotesque exercise tragically backfired
with at least eight children, including six in West Bengal, dying
in mock executions.
West Bengal chief minister and veteran Stalinist, Buddhadev
Bhattacharjee, led the campaign, declaring to the media: The
government and I are in favour of the death sentence in this particular
case... The message should go loud and clear to the perpetrators
of such crimes. His wife Meera Bhattacharjee chimed in:
How can you still have thoughts of forgiving him?
The state government actively sped up the execution. The final
paperwork was pushed through several government departmentsin
a bureaucracy notorious for its lethargy and inactionin
just 11 days. Bhattacharjee oversaw the process, meeting with
the chief secretary and home secretary to review the preparations
for hanging. The execution was finally carried out on Chatterjees
birthday.
The political character of the campaign was underscored by
comments in the Hindu newspaper which pointed out that
the Stalinist-led government ignored the case when Chatterjees
first appeal for clemency to the president was rejected in 1994.
It was only when a judicial department officer noticed in October
2003 that the High Court stay of execution had not been voided
by the government that the campaign for a hanging suddenly began
after 13 years.
The reactionary campaign to execute Chatterjee once against
underscores the fact that the Stalinist CPI-M and its left
allies have nothing to do with socialism. The CPI-M, which has
held power in the state for more than two decades, has failed
to address any of the burning social problems confronting the
masses. Like its rivals in other Indian states, the Left Front
government has pushed through economic restructuring measures
in a bid to attract investment and in doing so has exacerbated
the huge social gulf between rich and power.
In recent years, the CPI-M has been challenged by various right-wing
parties, such as the Trinamool Congress, which have sought to
win support by whipping up law-and-order as an issue
and making populist promises. The CPI-M has responded in kind,
seeking to demonstrate it is tough on crime as a means of diverting
public attention from the complete failure of its social policies.
The hanging of Chatterjee is the end result.
As the Times of India noted last month, the CPI-M took
quite a different stance several years ago when a wealthy father
and his son were convicted of murdering the sons wife and
sentenced to death. In that case, the West Bengal state government
did not oppose commuting the death sentence to life imprisonment.
A number of commentators and human rights groups such as Amnesty
International have pointed out that the Indian judicial system,
and the death penalty in particular, is generally biased against
the poor, the illiterate and the marginalised. In 1982, a former
Supreme Court chief justice, P. N. Bhagwati, commented that the
death penalty was unconstitutional because the overwhelming number
of those so convicted are poor.
The overwhelming majority of Indians cannot afford proper legal
representation. An estimated one third of the country is illiterate
and thus unable to defend themselves either. Chatterjee reportedly
declared in his final days: I would like to be reborn as
a rich man, as justice favours only the rich.
A number of prominent figures supported a vigorous campaign
against the death penalty. Renowned film director Mrinal Sen told
the Frontline magazine: I have always been against
capital punishment. The death penalty is a cruel and brutal practice.
In the final days, the opposition to the execution began to
have an impact. A Hindustan Times journalist commented:
Many people I know who were supporters of the death penalty
suddenly began to have second thoughts as the drama unfolded on
the TV channels. They felt as though they themselves were participating
in killing a poor man.
The CPI-M, however, was not swayed. Moreover, the Stalinists
were backed by the rest of Indias political establishment.
On July 2, the home minister for the newly-elected Congress-led
national government, S. Patil, recommended to the Indian president
that Chatterjee be executed. On August 4, President Abdul Kalam
rejected the appeal for clemency. The Supreme Court rejected the
final appeal on August 12, two days before the execution. The
opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has repeatedly
called for the death penalty in rape cases, offered no objection.
As the major bourgeois parties recognised, the CPI-M, with
what remains of its tattered left credentials, carried
out what they would have had political difficulty doing. By pressing
ahead with the execution in the face of public opposition, the
Stalinists have set a precedent that will undoubtedly be used
by other governments, state and national, keen to divert growing
political opposition by whipping up law-and-order hysteria.
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