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The politics behind Kerrys Iraq speech
By David North
22 September 2004
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Two critical factors have finally compelled Senator John Kerry
to denounce, after interminable delay, the Bush administrations
conduct of the war in Iraq.
The first is the increasingly desperate state of the campaign
of the Democratic presidential candidate, whose spineless groveling
before Republican attacks and inability to find a rationale for
his own campaign was on the verge of reducing the senator to an
object of national derision.
The second and more important factor is the growing anxiety
within broad sections of the ruling elite that the United States
is now facing the possibility of a catastrophic defeat in Iraq.
For months, Kerry contemptuously ignored appeals from the antiwar
constituency of the Democratic Party that he identify his presidential
campaign with opposition to the invasion of Iraq. Even as his
rapid slide in the polls made clear that Kerrys refusal
to address the issue of Iraq was alienating potential supporters
and destroying his credibility as an opponent of the Bush administration,
the senator insisted that he did not want to make the war a central
issue in the 2004 campaign.
However, the rapid and obvious deterioration in the situation
in Iraq over the last two months has provoked alarm within the
political establishment and produced a change in the political
winds. Previously, it has been agreed within the leadership of
the Democratic Party that the presidential campaign should not
become a referendum on the Iraq war. But even as Kerry sought
at all costs to avoid the issue of the war, the defeats and setbacks
in Iraq of the last two months have led to demands for a critical
reassessment of the policies of Bush administration.
The weekend prior to Kerrys Monday speech at New York
University saw the unleashing of a barrage of criticism of Bushs
handling of the war. Three leading Republican senators, McCain,
Lugar and Hagle, sharply criticized Bush for refusing to acknowledge
that the situation in Iraq was spinning out of control. Senator
Hagle stated that the worst thing we can do is hold ourselves
hostage to some grand illusion that were winning. Right
now, were not winning. Things are getting worse. He
added, We cant lose this. It is too important.
In an editorial published Saturday, September 18, entitled
Drop the Pretence on Iraq, the Los Angeles Times
declared: The increasing deaths and injuries demand
explanations and concrete plans to solve the problems, not more
pie-in the-sky statements from President Bush and Vice President
Dick Cheney.
The next day, the Washington Post chastised the president
for having offered scant acknowledgement of the quandary
he faces or the worsening state of a mission that has dominated
more than half his first term. His description of Iraq is bland
to the point of dishonesty.... Not only has Mr. Bush not said
how, or whether, he intends to respond to the worsening situation;
he doesnt really admit it exists.
The Washington Post concluded: This duck-and-cover
strategy may have its political advantages, but it is also deeply
irresponsible and potentially dangerous.
The publication of editorials in influential newspapers and
statements by key Republican senators signified that an official
debate of the Bush administrations conduct of the war is
now being sanctioned by the political establishment. Having received
this authorization, Kerry proceeded to deliver what amounts to,
within the framework of bourgeois politics, a comprehensive condemnation
of the policies of the Bush administration.
Addressing the issue of the reasons given by the Bush administration
for going to war, Kerry stated:
The first and most fundamental mistake was the Presidents
failure to tell the truth to the American people.
He failed to tell the truth about the rationale for going
to war. And he failed to tell the truth about the burden this
war would impose on our soldiers and our citizens...
His two main rationalesweapons of mass destruction
and the Al Qaeda/September 11 connectionhave been proved
false by the presidents own weapons inspectors and by the
9/11 Commission. Just last week, Secretary of State Powell acknowledged
the facts. Only Vice President Cheney still insists that the world
is flat.
The essential content of this indictment is that the president
lied to the American people and that support for the decision
to launch the invasion of Iraq was based on lies. But Kerry avoided
the obvious conclusion that a war justified on the basis of lies
lacks all legal foundation and must be opposed. Rather, Kerry
developed his argument along very different lines.
Directing himself not to the broad mass of people who oppose
the American occupation of Iraq, but to the ruling elite, Kerry
developed his criticism of Bush to make the case for change in
the political leadership of the war.
At home, Kerry warned, the American people
are less likely to trust this administration if it needs to summon
their support to meet real and pressing threats to our security.
Implied in this statement is that the Bush administration lacks
the political credibility to mobilize public support should it
become necessary to take more drastic measures to avoid defeat
in Iraq or conduct other military operationsmeasures such
as the reintroduction of the draft.
Far from representing the antiwar sentiments of millions of
working people, Kerrys speech is aimed at convincing the
ruling class that his candidacy offers a means of avoiding disaster
in Iraq.
The Kerry speech does not represent a repudiation of the war
by the Democratic Party, but rather a proposal for its more effective
prosecution.
See Also:
The meaning of the Democratic
convention: Kerry, Edwards vow to continue war and social reaction
[31 July 2004]
The great unmentionable at
the Democratic convention: Kerrys antiwar past
[30 July 2004]
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