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Bush administration hails Moussaoui guilty pleacontinues
9/11 cover-up
By Patrick Martin
26 April 2005
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Zaccarias Moussaoui pleaded guilty April 22 to six counts of
conspiracy to carry out terrorist attacks on US targets, the first
conviction of any Al Qaeda member or supporter in a US court for
actions linked to the events of September 11, 2001.
Moussaoui admitted to being part of a plot directed by Osama
bin Laden to fly airplanes into US buildings. His own mission,
he claimed, was to hit the White House as part of a second wave
of airplane hijackings that was to have followed the September
11 attacks.
The Islamic fundamentalist, a French citizen of Moroccan descent,
has been jailed since August 2001, when the FBI detained him in
Minnesota on suspicion of violating immigration laws. Moussaoui
had enrolled at a flight school in a Minneapolis suburb, where
his erratic behaviorincluding a demand that he be trained
to fly Boeing 747s although he had no discernible flight skills
or experiencearoused concerns among the training staff.
At the Friday court session in Alexandria, Virginia, before
Federal District Judge Leonie Brinkema, Moussaoui displayed the
combination of religious frenzy and psychological instability
that has characterized most of his court appearances over the
past three-and-a-half years. He denounced his attorneys, who had
opposed the guilty plea and urged the judge to find Moussaoui
incompetent to manage his own defense.
He declared he expected no leniency from the American
when he is sentenced, but at the same declared, speaking of himself
in the third person, Moussaoui will fight every inch against
the death penalty. He should not face death for the 9/11
attacks, he maintained, since he had not actually participated
in their preparation or implementation, but was in training for
a later attack. As his jailers escorted him from the courtroom,
he shouted, Lord! God curse America!
The guilty plea was apparently triggered by last months
decision by the US Supreme Court, which declined to overrule a
ruling of the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals denying Moussaoui
the right to interview top Al Qaeda leaders held as US prisoners
at undisclosed locations overseas. Moussaoui said these leaders,
including Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and Ramzi bin al-Shibh, allegedly
top organizers of the September 11 attacks, would provide testimony
exonerating him of any direct participation.
The Bush administration adamantly refused to permit these prisoners
to be questioned directly, offering only to obtain written answers
to a few specific questions. Judge Brinkema found that this refusal
unfairly hampered Moussaouis defense, and imposed penalties
on the government, including barring the death penalty. But her
ruling was overturned on appeal to the Fourth Circuit, and the
Supreme Court refused to hear a further appeal from Moussaoui.
The protracted legal battle over testimony by the Al Qaeda
prisoners delayed Moussaouis trial for nearly three years.
The same issues will recur in the penalty phase, since in a capital
case a jury must hear evidence supporting the death penalty, and
the defendant, even after pleading guilty, has the right to call
witnesses. Judge Brinkema is expected to set a date soon for the
penalty phase of the trial. That proceeding could be lengthy,
not only because of further legal motions, but because the Justice
Department intends to introduce victim impact statements from
family members of the 3,000 people murdered on September 11.
Unanswered questions
Moussaouis confession puts an end to his trial, but provides
no answers to the questions which have surrounded this case since
its very beginning. There has yet to be any explanation of the
response to Moussaouis arrest on the part of top federal
counterintelligence officials in both the CIA and FBI.
The Islamic fundamentalists conduct alarmed the trainers
at the flight school as well as local FBI agents in Minneapolis,
both of them expressing concern that a man with Moussaouis
motivation and flight training would be able to pilot a passenger
jet into a building as part of a suicide terrorist attack. Local
FBI officials notified headquarters of the arrest, requesting
permission to proceed with a more intensive investigation.
FBI supervisory officials in Washington, however, rejected
this proposal and would not allow the local agents even to search
Moussaouis laptop computer. The same officials also suppressed
a request from a Phoenix, Arizona FBI agent who noticed Islamic
fundamentalists training at a local flight school and urged a
nationwide effort to monitor such activity. No one in the FBI
leadership has been held responsible or penalized for this failure,
which led one Minneapolis agent to suggest, half-joking, that
Osama bin Laden must have a mole in FBI headquarters.
The CIA learned of Moussaouis arrest as well, and the
information was reported up the chain of command to CIA Director
George Tenet, who mentioned it at a White House meeting on terrorism
the week before the September 11 attacks. Neither the CIA nor
the White House took any action, and Moussaoui remained in the
custody of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, suspected
only of immigration offenses, until after the destruction of the
World Trade Center.
As the 9/11 commission report noted: Had this information
been available in late August 2001, the Moussaoui case would almost
certainly have received intense and much higher-level attention.
One of the six counts to which Moussaoui pled guilty was concealing
his knowledge of the impending terrorist attacks during the four
weeks between his arrest and September 11. In other words, he
did not blurt out what he knew of the plot that culminated in
the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon.
Similar charges, however, could be brought against top-level
Bush administration officials. They not only did not inquire about
Moussaoui, they suppressed or ignored a mass of warnings about
impending terrorist attacks by Al Qaeda within the United States,
including suggestions that airplanes would be hijacked and used
as suicide weapons.
Throughout the lengthy legal wrangling in the Moussaoui case,
the Bush administration has placed the highest priority on maintaining
secrecy and blocking any effort to call imprisoned Al Qaeda operatives
as witnesses. This cannot be attributed to concerns for security,
because anything Khalid Sheikh Mohammed or any other Al Qaeda
witness could reveal about September 11 is already known to the
bin Laden organization. The sole purpose is to keep this information
from the American people, who remain almost entirely uninformed
about the circumstances leading up to the bloodiest event on US
soil since the Civil War.
Demanding the death penalty
Similar concerns seem to underlie the Bush administrations
insistence that Moussaoui face the death penalty. As the saying
goes, dead men tell no tales.
Within minutes of Moussaouis guilty plea, Attorney General
Alberto Gonzales was speaking to the press, declaring the Justice
Department would push for the death penalty. Moussaoui and
his co-conspirators were responsible for the deaths of thousands
of innocents on September 11, each one a son or daughter, father
or mother, husband or wife, he said.
This statement is false: Moussaoui was an Al Qaeda foot soldier
at best, with no proven role, operational or support, in the events
of September 11.
The pursuit of the death penalty faces obvious obstacles: Moussaoui
was arrested before September 11, and therefore could not actually
participate in any violent action. He is clearly mentally unstable,
and may be psychologically unfit either to plead guilty or to
suffer the ultimate penalty.
Moreover, Moussaoui is a French national, and seeking his execution
for the crime of conspiracy will have political and diplomatic
repercussions in Europe, where every country has abolished the
death penalty even for the worst violent crimes. No European country
will extradite suspects to the US without an American promise
not to seek the death penalty, and intelligence cooperation in
the field of anti-terrorism has frequently run aground over the
issue of capital punishment.
Finally, there is a clear double standard. While Moussaoui,
an unsuccessful would-be suicide hijacker, would face the death
penalty, no such fate is proposed for the alleged ringleaders
now in custody. There are no plans to bring Mohammed, al-Shibh
or other top Al Qaeda prisoners to trial. They are held in CIA
custody at undisclosed overseas locations, possibly at Bagram
air base in Afghanistan, on the island of Diego Garcia, or at
some other CIA torture center. The Bush administration refuses
to bring these men to trial, in defiance of international law,
because it wants to continue the cover-up of the circumstances
surrounding September 11.
There is also a sharp contrast between the attitude of the
Justice Department to Moussaoui and its treatment of Eric Rudolph,
the ultra-right anti-abortionist who carried out four bombings
in Atlanta and Birmingham in 1996 and 1998. Rudolph, who killed
two people and wounded over 150, was allowed to plead guilty last
month and escape the death penalty. He was not even required to
testify about the support network of right-wing and anti-abortion
activists who sustained him during more than five years as a fugitive.
The Justice Department clearly takes a softer approach to the
homegrown American terroristone whose political views overlap
in large measure with those of the Republican rightthan
to the Islamic terrorist.
See Also:
Bush administration tries
to suppress evidence
US air traffic authority had multiple Bin Laden hijack warnings
before 9/11
[11 February 2005]
What the September
11 commission hearings revealed
Part one
[22 April 2004]
What the September
11 commission hearings revealed
Part two: Ignoring the warningsthe FBI and Justice Department
[26 April 2004]
What the September
11 commission hearings revealed
Part three: The CIA and Al Qaeda
[27 April 2004]
What the September
11 commission hearings revealed
Part four: A deliberate stand-down against airplane hijackings
[1 May 2004]
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