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US secretary of state offers Europe a partnership
By Ulrich Rippert and Peter Schwarz
15 February 2005
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The lady doth protest too much, methinks. This
line from Shakespeares Hamlet comes to mind when
one studies the speech given by the US secretary of state, Condoleezza
Rice, February 8 in Paris. Her appearance in the venerable auditorium
of the elite Institute of Political Sciences (known in France
as Sciences Po) before 500 politicians, intellectuals
and a handful of students, came as the climax of her one-week
tour of seven European capitals, in addition to stops in Tel Aviv
and the occupied territories.
Rice called for the opening up of a new chapter
in transatlantic relations. She declared that the history of the
United States and that of France were intertwined.... Our
history is one of shared values, of shared sacrifice and of shared
successes, she said. We witnessed the power of truth
in 1989, when the Berlin Wall was brought down, she went on.
This is a time of unprecedented opportunity for the transatlantic
alliance, she intoned, and demanded that the pursuit
of global freedom become the organising principle
of the 21st century. That is the way to achieve historical
global advances for justice and prosperity, as well
as for liberty and for peace, etc.
From a superficial point of view there appeared to be no connection
between the woman making her speech in Paris last week and the
US national security adviser who sharply criticised the French
and German governments in 2003 because of their opposition to
the invasion of Iraq, going so far as to formulate the sloganpunish
France, ignore Germany and forgive Russia. This time around
she used her entire diplomatic vocabulary to woo over her former
critics.
In terms of content, however, she made no concessions. Issues
in dispute remained either unmentioned or Rice merely reiterated
her previous positions. Thus many commentators noted her failure
to address a single word to the issue of the growing US conflict
with Iran. While Washington is using the Iranian nuclear program
as a pretext for bringing about regime change in Tehran, Paris,
Berlin and also London are working toward a diplomatic solution.
The influential French daily newspaper Le Monde commented:
Not on a single occasion in her speech did Ms. Rice include
the Iranian nuclear affair among the tasks which Americans and
Europeans have to tackle together in the Middle East.... Simply
forgotten? Or an expression of scepticism with regard to the diplomatic
efforts of the Europeans?
Other disputed questions which Rice avoided in her speech included
the use of NATO troops in Iraq (up till now Paris and Berlin have
strictly refused to send their own soldiers); the planned elimination
by the European Union of the existing weapons embargo against
China (a move strongly rejected by the US); the refusal of the
US to sign the Kyoto climate protocol and recognize the International
Criminal Court; the British-French proposal for debt relief to
developing countries, which Washington objects to; and many other
issues.
Above all, however, Rice did not offer the slightest self-criticism
of past American foreign policy and US operations against Iraq.
The preventive war doctrine, according to which Washington
assumes the right to attack other countries arbitrarily in contravention
of international law, remains in force. Indeed it has even been
expanded. In Paris, Rice repeated word for word the formulations
used by Bush in his inauguration speech whereby the fight
against tyranny and for liberty has replaced the fight
against the terror.
The World Socialist Web Site commented on this paradigm
shift at that time: As a matter of practical policy, the
morphing of the struggle against terror into the struggle against
tyranny has immediate and profound consequences: it both lowers
the threshold for American military action and vastly expands
the range of its targets.
The redefinition of the Bush Doctrine of preventive war
no longer requires that the United States be endangered because
one or another state has, and plans to use at some point in the
future, a weapon of mass destruction or some other form of terror
against the US. Rather, it is enough for the United States to
identify whatever country it chooses as a tyranny
where violence is, in various unseen and mysterious ways, gathering
and multiplying. [The
logic of the irrational: Bushs inaugural address and the
global strategy of American imperialism]
Rices demand that the Europeans help bring freedom
and liberty to the Arab world must be understood in this
sense. In the context of the so-called broader Middle East initiative
the entire region from Morocco to Afghanistan is to be remodelled
in line with the demands and desires of the US government. The
status quo in this region, Rice stressed on three
occasions, must be changed. She refrained from open threats against
Iran in Paris, preferring to set her sights on Syria. Lebanon,
dominated by Syria, must attain its full sovereignty,
as quickly as possible, she demanded, and warned Damascus against
seeking to influence the free democratic election
in Lebanon planned for this spring.
Essentially Rices offer of partnership boils down to
Europe assuming the role of junior partner in the enterprises
undertaken by American imperialism. To this end, she made a few
concessions that do nothing, however, to alter the substance of
US foreign policy. Thus she praised the UN in the strongest terms
and promised to take up once again the so-called road map
agreement between Israel and the Palestinians.
In Europe, however, the truce that Palestinian President Mahmoud
Abbas and Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon agreed upon immediately
after Rices brief visit was met with scepticism. A similar
agreement was reached during the preparatory phase of the Iraq
war, which then came to nothing. As long as Israel continues building
illegal settlements in the West Bank and Abbas has nothing to
offer the Palestinians aside from oppression, the prevailing opinion
in Europe is that no peace will be possible.
Washington is seeking closer relations with Europe for a number
of reasons.
On the one hand, the Iraq war has become a debacle with no
end in sight and the Bush regime is trying to shift a part of
the financial and military burden onto its European partners.
On the other hand, the focus of American foreign policy has
begun to shift. After the success of regime change
in Kiev, brought about with substantial US support, Russian President
Vladimir Putin is now increasingly coming under pressure from
America. In addition, China is considered by many US strategists
to be the most important threat to American hegemony in the medium-
and long-term. In order to prevent the Europeans from developing
closer links with Russia and China as part of their conflict with
the US, Washington is now seeking closer cooperation with Europe.
The US initiative has met with a positive response from some
sections of the European ruling elite. Deep differences of opinion
over the relationship to the US are apparent in nearly all European
countries, and are expressed in parties and lobbies from across
the political spectrum. Above all, those politicians who are fixated
with law-and-order policies and the defence of the Christian
West favour a close cooperation between European and American
imperialisms in light of the growing power of new and threatening
rivals. Such political forces, however, are opposed by those who
openly recognise the conflict in the fight for markets and raw
materials between American interests, on the one side, and European,
on the other.
See Also:
The logic of the irrational:
Bushs inaugural address and the global strategy of American
imperialism
[22 January 2005]
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