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Analysis : Middle
East : Iraq
New Yorker journalist corroborates murder allegations
against Iraqs prime minister
By James Cogan
20 January 2005
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Jon Lee Anderson, a correspondent for the New Yorker
magazine, provided further substantiation this week for allegations
made last July that Iraqi interim prime minister Iyad Allawi carried
out the extra-judicial execution of at least six prisoners being
held in Baghdads Al-Amariyah security centre.
Andersons evidence is contained in three paragraphs of
a lengthy and generally uncritical feature on Allawi that was
published by the New Yorker on January 17. (See: A
Man of the Shadows)
Anderson belatedly confirms that he sat in while Australian
journalist Paul McGeough, an award-winning foreign correspondent,
interviewed an Iraqi man who witnessed the murders. In McGeoughs
original story, he had referred to another journalist
being present when he interviewed one of the two witnesses he
tracked down.
The two men were found and interviewed separately after McGeough
investigated widespread rumours in Baghdad that Allawi had killed
a group of prisoners. Both witnesses provided almost identical
descriptions of the events at Al-Amariyah in mid-June. McGeough
and his editors at the Sydney Morning Herald believed their
stories to be credible and went to print on July 17, 2004, after
American officials failed to provide a convincing refutation.
According to the witnesses, Allawi personally shot seven handcuffed
and blindfolded prisoners who had been lined up against a wall
in a courtyard of the prison. Six died immediately and their bodies
were taken away by Allawis bodyguards. The witnesses said
that Allawi told a number of onlookers, including four to six
American military personnel and Iraqs interim interior minister
Falah al-Naqib, that the prisoners deserved worse than death.
One of the eyewitnesses told McGeough: Allawi wanted to
send a message to his policemen and soldiers not to be scared
if they kill anyone...
McGeoughs research led him to conclude that the names
of three of the murdered men were Ahmed Abdulah Ahsamey, Amer
Lutfi Mohammed Ahmed al-Kutsia, and Walid Mehdi Ahmed al-Sammarrai.
Allawi and Naqib laughed off the charges of murder on the few
occasions they were questioned by journalists. Significantly,
however, Richard Boucher of the US State Department, while indicating
that no American investigation was taking place, refused to categorically
deny the allegations when questioned at a press conference on
August 3. Boucher would only state that the US government did
not have any information that would indicate those reports
are true.
Anderson writes in the New Yorker: [T]he story
has lingered, never having been either fully confirmed or convincingly
denied. During his recent trip to Jordan though, Anderson
states that a well-known former [Iraqi] government minister
told him that an American official had confirmed that the
killings took place. The American official told the ex-minister:
What a mess were inwe get rid of one son of
a bitch [Saddam Hussein] only to get another.
Allawi is commonly referred to in Iraq as Saddam without
the moustache. He was an informer and possibly worse for
the Baathist regime until 1975. After falling out with Saddam
Hussein, he worked with MI5 and the CIA. His Iraqi National Accord
developed ties with disgruntled layers of the Iraqi regime, including
military officers and members of Husseins feared Mukhabarat
secret police. As Allawis cousin told Anderson: He
understands the Mukhabarat culture of intimidation.
There is only one reason why it has taken until now for further
revelations about Allawis actions last June to appear in
public. The international press, especially in the United States,
deliberately censored or downplayed McGeoughs story after
it was published in the Sydney Morning Herald and has made
no attempt to follow it up.
In particular, the New York Times and Washington
Post were distinguished by their silence. Both papers posture
as the voices of liberal reason and objectivity. Yet, despite
the lies over weapons of mass destruction and the revelations
from Abu Ghraib prison, where American soldiers carried out the
torture of Iraqi prisoners, both papers refused to probe the accusations
that the White House had installed a thug as Iraqs leader
and had abetted him get away with extra-judicial killings.
McGeough and the Sydney Morning Herald, in other words,
were left out on a limb. They published what by any standard was
a highly newsworthy story, only to have the entire official media
establishment close ranks to protect the Bush administration and
its puppet Allawi from scrutiny.
In a reply sent July 29, 2004, to questions from the WSWS,
New York Times public editor Daniel Okrent defended the
Times on the grounds that the paper would be guilty of
unethical journalism if it reported allegations without being
in a position to either substantiate or disprove them.
The WSWS answer to this position can be found at: Murder
allegations against Iraqs Allawi: an exchange of letters
with the New York Times public editor.
Of more immediate interest given the New Yorker piece,
however, is something else he wrote in his reply. One of the Times
best reporters, Okrent had been assured, was investigating
the charges.
Paul McGeoughs article last July provided a wealth of
leads that would be the starting point for any follow-up investigative
journalism: the approximate date the killings took place; where
they took place; the names of three of the victims; the details
of the killings; and that US personnel were present. In December,
Jon Lee Anderson was able to find an ex-Iraqi minister prepared
to state an American official told him the allegations were true.
The New York Times, on the other hand, which has no lack
of resources and contacts in the highest echelons of the US state
and, one suspects, in the interim Iraqi regime, has uncovered
nothing in the last six months.
Andersons article underscores a point made by the WSWS
last year. There is no innocent explanation for the reaction of
newspapers such as the Times and the Post to the
allegations against Allawi. In less than two weeks, an election
will be held which the Bush administration is desperately attempting
to portray as the democratic renaissance of Iraq after decades
of dictatorship. The most favoured candidate in Washington is
Allawi and his Iraqi National Accord. The failure to investigate
credible accusations that he is a murderer flows from the American
medias complicity in promoting the propaganda used to justify
the Iraq war, and their policy of censoring any news that undermines
the lie that the occupation is about liberation.
See Also:
New York Times
and Washington Post remain silent on murder allegations
against Iraqi Prime Minister Allawi
[19 August 2004]
Murder allegations
against Iraqs Allawi: an exchange of letters with the New
York Times public editor
[3 August 2004]
US media covers for
AllawiWashingtons executioner-in-chief in Iraq
[22 July 2004]
Iraqi prime minister
accused of murdering detainees
[19 July 2004]
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