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Live 8: Who organised the PR campaign for Blair and Bush?
By Ann Talbot
11 July 2005
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In what was dubbed the final push, the last Live
8 concert took place in Edinburgh on July 6 as heads of state
assembled at Gleneagles for the G8 conference. A rain-soaked crowd
of 50,000 heard Nelson Mandela say via video link, In this
new century millions of people in the worlds poorest countries
remain imprisoned and enslaved in chains. They are in the prison
of poverty. Its time to set them free.
The Edinburgh concert marked the end of a truly massive media
event. Five million people are said to have logged on to AOLs
live video stream of the Saturday, July 2, concerts. Upward of
a million people are said to have attended the Live 8 events.
Hundreds of millions are reported to have watched the concerts
on TV. A quarter of a million people marched through the streets
of Edinburgh.
The scale of the Live 8 event was spectacular. But its essential
aim was of a far more politically sinister character than its
altruistic pose would suggest. It was organised and backed by
individuals and organisations with close ties to the Labour government
of Tony Blair, and had the official backing of the government
itself. By boosting the pitiful debt relief package agreed on
by the G8 and hailing the proposals of Blairs own Commission
for Africa for aid and relief tied to free-market initiatives,
it set out to provide a much-needed mask of humanitarian concern
to both Blair and US President George W. Bush.
The organisers of the event and its leading spokesmenBob
Geldof and Bonoboth harked back to the legacy of Live Aid,
Live 8s 1985 predecessor. But whereas Live Aid raised millions
of pounds to combat famine in Ethiopia, they stressed that this
time they did not want your money. Echoing Lord Kitcheners
1914 call for army recruits, they wanted You!
However, this is not to say that no money changed hands. The
10 concerts cost £25 million to stage. £1.6 million
was paid to the Princes Trust to persuade that organisation
to cancel its Party in the Park. Performers were not paid, though
those at the Philadelphia concert reportedly got gifts worth £1,700.
Perhaps the greatest payoff will be in the boost the concerts
give to record sales. Sir Paul McCartneys performance of
Sergeant Peppers Lonely Hearts Club Band was
on sale within hours. London record shops reported a 1,000 percent
increase in sales for Pink Floyd CDs the next day. David Gilmour,
Floyds lead guitarist, immediately announced that his share
would go to charity, and some other artists followed suit. But
the royalties paid to artists are just a small proportion of the
profits made from sales by the record companies. And there have
been no magnanimous gestures from this quarter.
Moreover, in a digital world, CD sales represent a declining
section of the market compared to sponsorship, broadcast rights
and merchandising. Most of the costs of the event will be recouped
in this way, and it is here that much of the profit and relatively
cheap and phenomenally lucrative publicity will be sought. Naked
commercialism was evident in even the most ostensibly charitable
aspects of the operation. White Make Poverty History
wristbands have been one of the most visible emblems of the campaign.
From the start, they have been surrounded by controversy. It has
been reported that some of these wristbands were made in Chinese
sweatshops.
Journalist Stuart Hodkinson revealed in Red Pepper magazine
that some of the wristbands were being sold with the logos of
companies that are accused of violating workers rights.
This included fashion company Tommy Hilfiger, accused by Stephen
Coats, Executive Director of the US/Labor Education in the Americas
Project of being at the bottom of the list in demonstrating
refusal to accept responsibility for the way workers are treated.
The offending wristbands were being sold at shops owned by Scottish
millionaire Tom Hunter, who has pledged £1 million to the
Make Poverty History campaign.
However, Hunter is a relatively small player compared to some
of the corporate enterprises that have been signed up. The backing
that Live 8 has won from media mogul Rupert Murdoch is just one
indication that a massive business machine has been set in motion.
Murdochs British tabloid the Sun gave the event enthusiastic
support, although it is not a paper noted for its interest in
Africa or liberal causes. It is, however, a key supporter of Blair.
The Murdoch and Live 8 connections are close. Elisabeth Murdoch,
Rupert Murdochs daughter, is married to Matthew Freud, one
of the organisers. Freud runs a leading public relations company
that is, according to the Financial Times, one of the most
influential in the UK. It has the largest media and entertainment
client list in the country, with clients including famous actors
and major companies such as AOLof which more later. He and
his wife also have connections to the Blair government. They sit
on various government committees, and his company, Freud Communications,
has organised events for both the government and the Labour Party.
Freuds sister, Emma, is married to Richard Curtis, the
writer/director/producer responsible for Love Actually,
the Bridget Jones movies, Notting Hill, Mr Bean
and Four Weddings and a Funeral. His latest film, The
Girl in the Café, is a love story set at a fictional
G8 conference, and is supposed to show how ordinary people of
conscience can persuade the political establishment to do good.
He is among those who founded the charity Comic Relief in the
wake of Live Aid. Curtis has been one of the main organisers of
Live 8. He is said to be particularly close to Chancellor Gordon
Brown, who featured sympathetically as a barely disguised character
in his latest movie.
Geldofs production company, Ten Alps, which provided
the two big screens in Hyde Park, is also closely associated with
the government. It owns 70 percent of Teachers TV, which makes
programmes for the Department for Education and Skills. Last year,
it enjoyed a 400 percent increase in profits. Ten Alps is positioning
itself to become one of the key independent television companies
in Britain. The high profile that Live 8 has given it can only
enhance the companys international exposure.
Live 8 offered an unprecedented marketing opportunity. Nokia
and Volvo were among the major corporate sponsors. Volvo spokesman
Soren Johansson said the event fits with the DNA of the
company and appeals to peoples emotions.
AOL ran live video streaming, billing Live 8 as the day
music changed the world. The general opinion was that video
streaming had proved its commercial value. Live 8 may indeed have
changed the world or at least that part of it that comes under
the heading of advertising.
ABC in the US was disappointed that its coverage netted only
2.9 million viewers because the lineup had been aimed at boomers,
who would likely be at home on a Saturday night. But as one media
expert said, the advertising was already paid for.
Although some of the charities affiliated to Make Poverty History
had expressed their alarm over the scandal surrounding the wristbands,
the commercial orientation of the campaign was no secret. The
Live 8 web site still offers a link to AOLs music download
service.
Despite its appearance, Live 8 was not a protest. It was a
pro-government rally. Both Blair and his Chancellor Gordon Brown
closely associated themselves with Live 8. Brown spoke on a charity
platform in Edinburgh the evening before the Make Poverty History
rally that was supposed to be putting pressure on him! As part
of the buildup to the concerts, Blair gave an hour-long interview
on MTV sitting alongside Geldof and fielding questions from Destinys
Child.
The Notting Hill glitterati did good for Blair
if no one else. As an effusive Observer journalist said,
By first light today, a world majority will have offered
Tony Blair a significant mandate for change.
We are now being asked to believe that attending a concert,
or merely watching it on television, confers a democratic mandate.
The Blair government was elected by only 20 percent of UK voters.
It has the lowest mandate of any British government in history.
The slogan of the campaign might as well have been Make
Elections History.
Even the arrangements for the concerts, with their separate
enclosures for celebrities, spoke of the essentially elitist conception
of Live 8. This was an elitism based not on the traditional values
of the British ruling class, but on the new global super-rich
who are close to the Labour government, and who have made their
base in London with its sympathetic tax laws. Black African musicians
of considerable talent were relegated to a side event in Cornwall,
because they do not have the same commercial weight as the acts
booked for the Hyde Park event.
See Also:
Live 8a political fraud
on behalf of imperialism: Statement by the Socialist Equality
Party (Britain)
[1 July 2005]
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