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Guardian newspaper forced to retract Noam Chomsky interview
By Robert Stevens
29 November 2005
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On November 17, Britains Guardian newspaper ran
a statement in its Corrections and Clarifications column announcing
the removal from its website of an interview with Noam Chomsky.
The interview, conducted by Emma Brockes, was published in
the Guardians October 31 edition after Chomsky, a
professor of linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology,
was voted the worlds top intellectual in a poll conducted
by Britains Prospect magazine. Of 20,000 participants
in the Prospect poll, 4,800 voted for Chomsky.
In the published interview, Brockes attacked Chomsky, claiming
he had implied that a massacre of Muslims had not been carried
out by Serbian forces at Srebrenica in July 1995, during the Bosnian
war. Her diatribe marked a new low in the ever more pronounced
rightward shift of a newspaper that still advertises itself as
the mouthpiece of Britains liberal intelligentsia.
The Guardian dropped the interview only following an
open letter to the newspaper from Chomsky, a complaint from the
media organisation Media Lens, and numerous letters of protest
from readers.
The Guardian had initially defended its interview. On
November 1, it published two letters supporting criticisms of
Chomsky, supposedly to balance the debate. As Chomsky
later pointed out in an email copied to the Media Lens organisation,
Both writers assume that there is a debate,
as the editors falsely claimed, in which I question the massacre
(or as they pretend, massacre) in Srebrenica. That
is all fabrication, as the editors know well. They labored mightily
to create the impression of a debate in which I take the position
they assigned to me, and have succeeded. Now Im stuck with
that, even though it is a deceitful invention of theirs.
The newspaper also failed to publish Chomskys entire
open letter of complaint, dated November 13. Instead, they ran
a truncated version in which they insisted, before agreeing to
publish, that Chomsky remove the word fabrication
from his condemnation of the Brockes article.
Chomsky agreed to do this and later stated that he was mistaken
in doing so. Even then, Chomskys letter was published alongside
one from a victim of the war in the Balkans under the spurious
heading Fallout Over Srebrenica. In reality, this
fallout had been entirely concocted by the Guardian,
which had attributed to Chomsky a statement he never
made.
The newspapers November 14 retraction admitted as much.
It was issued in the form of an acknowledgement by the readers
editor that found in favour of Chomsky on three significant
complaints.
Principal among these was a statement by Ms. Brockes
that in referring to atrocities committed at Srebrenica during
the Bosnian war he had placed the word massacre in
quotation marks. This suggested, particularly when taken with
other comments by Ms. Brockes, that Prof. Chomsky considered the
word inappropriate or that he had denied that there had been a
massacre. Prof. Chomsky has been obliged to point out that he
has never said or believed any such thing. The Guardian
has no evidence whatsoever to the contrary and retracts the statement
with an unreserved apology to Prof. Chomsky.
Brockes piece was clearly a hatchet job in which she
demonstrated a complete disdain for basic journalistic standards.
But why was she given the task and what was the brief given to
her by the Guardians editorial staff?
There is no doubt that Chomskys nomination by the readers
of Prospect will have angered and appalled the Guardian.
Both publications function as liberal apologists for the Labour
government of Prime Minister Tony Blair and both he and his leading
adviser, Peter Mandelson, have written for Prospect. Last
year the Guardian published an article by the editor of
Prospect, David Goodhart, in which he questioned whether
an ethnically diverse society and a welfare state are any longer
compatible.
The vote for Chomsky by Prospects readers on the
basis of his left politics and generally anti-imperialist stance
was clearly seen as a slap in the face. There remains a section
of readers who have not got the message being doled out by both
organs.
Why were Brockes and, presumably, the Guardians
editors so determined to raise the issue of Srebrenica? Because
the civil war in Bosnia represented a political watershed. It
was the occasion for a slew of liberals and radicals to ditch
their oppositional stance and make their peace with imperialisma
phenomenon that was analysed by the International Committee of
the Fourth International in its December 14, 1995 statement, Imperialist
War in the Balkans and the Decay of the Petty-Bourgeois Left.
The ICFI noted how representatives of this tendency, in which
the Guardian and many of its leading columnists were to
be found, cited revulsion over Serbian atrocities as the justification
for their swing into the imperialist campignoring similar
atrocities by Croat and Muslim forces. The moral hand-wringing
over Bosnia served a definite political purposeto legitimise
support for Western military intervention aimed at the break-up
of Yugoslavia and the installation of various pro-Western regimes
that would ensure imperialist control of this strategic region.
The Bosnian war provided an opportunity for these layers of ex-radicals
to realign their politics with those of imperialism.
This analysis has been amply borne out in the past decade.
The Guardians role in justifying Britains military
intervention in Bosnia by citing atrocities such as Srebrenica
was only a practice run for its subsequent abandonment of opposition
to the Iraq war and shift to support for regime-change in Iraq,
once again citing the crimes committed by Saddam Hussein.
An essential function of the pro-war propaganda of the Guardian
has been to intimidate and silence all those who refuse to accept
the lie that the imperialist powers are undertaking a great civilising
mission by organising regime change in the Balkans, the Caucasus
and the Middle East: Hence Brockes choice of ideological
weapon against Chomsky.
The interview was published under the headline The Greatest
Intellectual? Its subhead was designed to be read as an
excerpt from the interview. It stated, Q: Do you regret
supporting those who say the Srebrenica massacre was exaggerated?
A: My only regret is that I didnt do it strongly enough.
Below, Brockes writes of Chomskys career as an intellectual:
This is, of course, what Chomsky has been doing for the
last 35 years, and his conclusions remain controversial: that
practically every US president since the Second World War has
been guilty of war crimes; that in the overall context of Cambodian
history, the Khmer Rouge werent as bad as everyone makes
out; that during the Bosnian war the massacre at Srebrenica
was probably overstated.
Chomsky has never put quotation marks around massacre
in relation to Srebrenica as Brockes implies. Indeed, he has referred
to the massacre at Srebrenica several times in his writing. More
important still, the question and answer that was used by the
Guardian as a subhead was made up either by Brockes or
whoever edited her article for publication.
The Guardian acknowledged in its retraction:
No question in that form was put to Prof. Chomsky. This
part of the interview related to his support for Diana Johnstone
(not Diane as it appeared in the published interview) over the
withdrawal of a book in which she discussed the reporting of casualty
figures in the war in former Yugoslavia. Both Prof. Chomsky and
Ms. Johnstone, who has also written to the Guardian, have
made it clear that Prof. Chomskys support for Ms. Johnstone,
made in the form of an open letter with other signatories, related
entirely to her right to freedom of speech. The Guardian
also accepts that and acknowledges that the headline was wrong
and unjustified by the text.
The book by Diana Johnstone is entitled Fools Crusade:
Yugoslavia, NATO and Western Delusions, and was published
in 2002. It is a critique of the Western coverage of the
war and seeks to shed light on what lay behind the propaganda
campaign of the imperialist governments, which sought to demonize
Serbia and lay sole responsibility for the war at its door.
In 2003, Chomsky was one of a number of prominent signatories
to an open letter opposing the withdrawal of the book by its Swedish
publisher. That decision followed a press campaign in which both
Johnstone and her book were vilified, led by the daily newspaper,
Dagens Nyeter.
Chomsky was simply defending the authors right to free
speech and, while describing Johnstones book as a serious
work, has never said that he fully agrees or disagrees with her
analysis.
In his open letter to the Guardian, Chomsky states,
The reporter obviously had a definite agenda: to focus the
defamation exercise on my denial of the Srebrenica massacre. From
the character of what appeared, it is not easy to doubt that she
was assigned this task. When I wouldnt go along, she simply
invented the denial, repeatedly, along with others.
An indication of just how importantpersonally as well
as politicallyit was for the Guardian to discredit
Chomsky is Brockes description of my colleague, Ed
Vulliamy as a serious, trustworthy person. This
is written in the context of an attack on Chomsky for daring to
question Vulliamys reporting of the war.
Vulliamy wrote regularly on the war in the Balkans. His essential
theme was that the Serbian regime was responsible for the war,
that the Bosnian people were being systematically wiped out, and
that failure to support Western intervention was tantamount to
supporting Serbian atrocities.
As Diana Johnstone points out in her November 14 article on
the Brockes-Chomsky episode, entitled Kulturkrieg in Journalism:
Using Emotion to Silence Analysis, it is entirely conceivable
that Brockes based her conversation with Chomsky on a few culled
paragraphs from Vulliamy, even down to his spelling mistakes.
Vulliamy had previously spelled Johnstones first name incorrectly
in printa mistake repeated by Brockes in her article.
See Also:
BBC and Guardian cover
up US role in Iraq looting
[14 June 2003]
Britain: Guardian
journalist seeks to neuter anti-war movement
[2 November 2001]
Imperialist
War in the Balkans and the Decay of the Petty-Bourgeois Left
[14 December 1995]
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