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British Columbia teachers strike poses need for a working-class
political offensive
Statement of Socialist Equality Party (Canada)
17 October 2005
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The WSWS encourages readers to download
the following statement and distribute it at the mass rally to
be held in Victoria, British Columbia, today in support of striking
teachers and at picket lines and strike-support rallies across
the province.
Todays walkout in the Greater Victoria region and march
on the provincial legislature attest to the mass popular support
that exists for British Columbias 40,000 striking public
school teachers and their principled and courageous defiance of
anti-strike legislation and court rulings.
The provincial Liberal government of Gordon Campbell and the
corporate media have sought to whip up public opposition to the
teachers by accusing them of taking 600,000 school children hostage,
creating havoc for working parents, and thwarting the democratic
will of the legislature. Masses of working people recognize,
however, that it is the Liberals who threaten essential public
services and basic democratic rights and rightly view the teachers
strike as a means of challenging a government that for four-and-a-half
long years has ruthlessly imposed the dictates of big business.
But if todays action demonstrates the potential for a
working-class counteroffensive against the assault on public and
social services, jobs, worker-rights and environmental regulations,
it also no less decisively points to the urgency of teachers and
their supporters wresting the strike from the control of the leaders
of the British Columbia Federation of Labour (BCFL) and their
social-democratic politician allies in the New Democratic Party.
Make no mistake: the BCFL has authorized todays limited
actionwhich leaves the provinces economic and financial
hub, Vancouver, untouchednot with the intention of developing
a working-class industrial and political offensive against the
Liberal government. Rather the union bureaucrats have called it
in the hope that it will give them the credibility before the
rank and file they calculate that they need to swiftly and ruthlessly
close down the teachers struggle; just as they terminated
the 2003 ferry-worker and 2004 hospital worker strikes and the
1983 Operation Solidarity strike when they threatened to become
catalysts for a mass working-class upsurge.
All weekend long, BCFL President Jim Sinclair pleaded with
the Liberals to agree to talks, saying that if they did, todays
protest would be scuttled and the teachers corralled back to work.
A solemn Sinclair complained Saturday that he had yet to hear
from the government, then expressed his trepidation over the BCFL
having to carry out even its threat of a regionally-circumscribed,
one-day strike: This is a very serious, sobering moment
for the labour movement. None of us are excited or ecstatic about
whats happening here.
The NDP, for its part, actually welcomed last Thursdays
ruling of BC Supreme Court Judge Brenda Brown which, by seizing
the BC Teachers Federation assets, robs teachers of their
picket pay and leaves the union and teachers open to severe reprisals
in the future. Declared NDP education critic John Horgan. Im
hopeful that [Labour Minister] Mike De Jong will seize this opportunity.
There is an opportunity to reach out to, and I think theyd
get a positive response from, the union leadership.
Above all the NDP and union leaders have been anxious to reassure
British Columbias and Canadas corporate elite that
they are not challenging the Campbell governments legitimacyi.e.,
its right to govern. By describing the strike as political
protest, they have made explicit their intention to surrender
before the government.
Rightly wary of the union and NDP leaders, many workers are
pressing from below for militant strike action, including a general
strike. Such action is entirely welcome, but what must be recognized
above all is that the pivotal issue facing teachers and the working
class is the need for a new political perspective. If workers
in BC and across Canada have suffered one defeat after another
over the past two decades, it has not been from a lack of militant
strike struggles, but because these struggles have been confined
within the straitjacket of collective bargaining and parliamentary
protest. That is to say they have been predicated on an acceptance
of the existing capitalist socio-economic order which systematically
subordinates basic social needs to the profits of big business.
In fighting to defend their working conditions and public education,
teachers are challenging not just the policy of the Campbell Liberal
government, but the class strategy of the entire Canadian bourgeoisie
and international capital.
For the past two decades, every government in Canada, whether
federal or provincial, Liberal, Conservative, NDP, Parti Quebecois,
or Social Credit, has slashed public and social services and attacked
workers rights. The 1991-2001 BC NDP government paved the way
for the coming to power of the Campbell Liberals, by accommodating
itself ever-more completely to the demands of big business. Under
Mike Harcourt, Glen Clark, and Ujjal Dosanjh (now a federal Liberal
cabinet minister) the NDP imposed budget and public-sector wage
austerity, used legislation to break strikes, imposed new restrictions
on teachers right to strike, and embraced workfare.
While the massive social spending cuts of the mid-1990s were
initially publicly justified in the name of fighting the deficit,
governments soon began implementing massive tax cuts for big business
and the well-to-do, so as to ensure that the state lacks the means
to repair the gaping holes in the social safety net. Just before
the 2000 federal election, the Matrin-Chretien Liberal government
unveiled a five-year $100 billion tax-cutting program, that even
the neo-conservative National Post hailed as a (Canadian)
Alliance budget. Last summer, the Supreme Court seized on
the crisis the big business agenda has created in health care
to open the floodgates to a two-tier health care system in which
for-profit health care will become the norm and the rich will
be able to afford the best health care money can buy, while working
people are forced to rely on a dilapidated public system.
The drive of big business and its political agents to dismantle
public and social services and systematically eliminate all restraints
on capital has resulted in growing social inequality, poverty,
and economic insecurity and an endless series of social catastrophes
from the Walkerton water-tragedy in Ontario to the US governments
abandonment of the victims of Hurricane Katrina.
But each concession to capital only produces further demands,
as state and companies compete in driving down social conditions.
In the recent German elections voters decisively rejected the
calls of the political establishment for massive cuts to social
programs and increased job flexibility so as to render
conditions in Germany, more like those in Britain and the US.
Despite this two major German partiesthe right-wing CDU
and the social-democratic SPDjoined forces last week in
a Grand Coalition so as to ensure that these regressive changes
will be implemented.
The never-ending assault on public and social services is justified
on the grounds that there is no money. This is a lie. The
past quarter-century has witnessed a technological revolution
that has lead to a phenomenal increase in the productivity of
labour. But under capitalism, this new technology has been used
only to intensify the assault on the working class, through the
slashing of jobs and the systematic transfer of production to
wherever the most profits can be squeezed from workers.
As nationally-based organizations that accept the inviolability
of the capitalist social order, the unions and NDP have proved
powerless before, and complicit in, the ever-widening big business
assault on the working class. Whereas once they were willing to
pressure capital for limited reforms within the framework of a
nationally-regulated capitalist economy, now they demand that
workers make concessions to the corporations to secure investments.
In line with this orientation, they assist the corporations in
employing global production as an arm against the working class,
by calling on workers to oppose not the corporations on the basis
of an international working-class strategy, but workers in other
countries.
Thus BC NDP leader Carole James in her maiden speech to the
BC Legislature last month offered to work hand-in-hand with the
Campbell government and declared that workers and big business
are partners: As I have said before, there are no enemies
in BC. We will all sink or swim together.
Workers must consciously repudiate the pro-capitalist perspective
of the NDP and trade union leaders. The means exist to provide
quality public education, jobs and public services for all. But
for these goals to be realized the economy must be radically restructured
so as to make the fulfillment of social need, not the profit of
a few, the animating principle.
The Socialist Equality Party urges teachers and their supporters
to make explicit the political character of their struggle by
transforming the strike into the spearhead of an independent political
mobilization of the working class. This means coupling province-wide
industrial action and demands for the repeal of Bill 12 and the
battery of anti-union laws passed by the Campbell Liberal government,
with the fight to build a new mass political party of the working
class committed to a socialist program and the forging of the
international unity of the working class.
We urge all teachers and their supporters in BC and across
Canada to discuss these policies, read the World Socialist
Web Site, and write into the WSWS to become active in the
fight for a socialist political perspective.
See Also:
British Columbia: Courts seize union assets,
but teachers remain defiant
[15 October 2005]
British Columbia teachers defy anti-strike
law, court rulings
[11 October 2005]
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