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Canada: ex-indépendantiste premier calls for intensified
assault on working class
By Keith Jones
28 October 2005
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For A Clear-Eyed Vision of Quebecthe manifesto
issued last week by a group of Quebec indépendantiste
and federalist leadersis an unabashed call for a renewed
big business offensive against the rights and living standards
of working people.
Written by a group headed by former Parti Québécois
premier Luçien Bouchard, former PQ minister Joseph Facal
and André Pratte, the lead editorial writer for the staunchly
federalist La Presse, the manifesto invokes the threat
of Quebecs demographic declinethe only majority French-speaking
jurisdiction in North America will, say the authors, soon be lost
in a sea of English- and Spanish-speakersand competition
from China and India to argue for a right-wing agenda akin to
that being pursued by Bush and Blair.
The reports radical right-wing policy prescriptions include:
a drive to reduce government debt so as to free up resources for
so-called productive investments (like education and training),
a shift from personal income to consumption taxes, privatization
and public-private partnerships, major increases in household
electricity rates, a workplace environment that encourages
performance and innovation (i.e., the gutting of work rules),
university tuition increases and various other changes aimed at
encouraging entrepreneurialism or economic freedom.
The report denounces Quebecers and especially the working class
(identified here as the unions) in no uncertain terms for being
resistant to change and balking at the national consensusi.e.,
the aims of big business and the political elite. That the real
target is the working class, not the unions, is underscored by
the reports praise for the union bureaucracy. The report
hails the cooperative and responsible model that characterized
the unions for the past two decades and in particular their support
for the PQs zero-deficit drive, which saw the Bouchard PQ
government impose massive social spending cuts between 1996 and
1999.
There is much similarity in the reports description of
Quebecers and the way the French and German elites are describing
their respective working classes: They work less than other
North Americans; they retire earlier; they benefit from more generous
social programs ... The complaints of a coddled working
class are coupled with a denunciation of Quebecers unhealthy
suspicion of private business.
In a similar vein, the report deplores the fact while French-speaking
business people control our economy, unlike a half-century
ago, they are roundly criticized.
For A Clear-Eyed Vision of Quebec is an attempt reformulate
Quebecois nationalism to correspond with the new needs of the
bourgeoisie. Everyone must work together and sacrifice for Quebec,
say Bouchard and company. But the policies they advocate are tailored
to meet the needs of big business and would cause corporate profits
and the incomes of the rich to swell, precisely by reducing, if
not eliminating, the rights of working people and the few protections
they now enjoy from the vicissitudes of the capitalist market.
The report is laced with the ideas and tropes of traditional
Quebec nationalism, concluding with a nationalist appeal to the
first French settlers who fought the Indians and English for control
of the St. Lawrence Valley: And like so many times since
they first arrived in North America, Quebeckers will take their
destiny in hand and they will succeed.
Sovereigntist leaders such as Bloc Québécois
head Gilles Duçeppe and Parti Québécois leadership
hopefuls André Boisclair and Pauline Marois were quick
to declare the report co-authored by Bouchard a valuable contribution
to public debate. Quebecs Liberal Premier, Jean Charest,
who in the minds of much of Quebecs business elite has stumbled
in his attempt to re-engineer the state (i.e., slash
taxes and cut social spending), welcomed For A Clear-Eyed Vision
of Quebec. It came in, said a smiling Charest,
as a boost for us. Charest, who in 1995 was the head
of the federal Conservative Party, was a leading spokesman for
the no side in the 1995 referendum on Quebecs
secession from the Canadian federal state, while Bouchard, then
head of the Bloc Québécois, the PQs sister
party in the federal Parliament, was the de facto leader of the
yes forces.
The union bureaucrats were less welcoming of Bouchards
manifesto than their allies in the PQ. But their principal objection
was from the standpoint that the unions do not represent an obstacle
to making changes to the so-called Quebec modelthe class
strategy of the Quebec bourgeoisie. As evidence, they pointed
to the strong support they had given the PQ government, as solemnized
in two tripartite national summits, for the campaign
to eliminate the provinces annual budget deficit through
social spending cuts.
Henri Massé, the president of Quebecs largest
labour federation, the Quebec Federation of Labour, said For
A Clear-Eyed Vision of Quebec was a useful contribution to
a necessary public debate: There are questions, challenges
that need to be raised: the demographic challenge, for example;
the question of public finances in the medium and long-term. These
are serious questions. But the glasses are a little dark for my
taste. Massé agreed that household electricity rates
should be increased and said the unions were not in principle
opposed to public-private partnerships to build infrastructure
and provide public services.
For her part, Claudette Carbonneau, president of the Confédération
des syndicats nationaux (CSN), called for increased collaboration
between the union bureaucracy, the government and business. The
history of Quebec, she said, showed that progress was made not
by cultivating confrontations, but more by solutions arrived
at in concert.
That on the tenth anniversary of the 1995 referendum, the federalist
and sovereigntists are coming together just as they did in 1996
to launch the assault on public and social services (the zero
deficit campaign) once again underscores that the real division
in Quebec and Canada is the class divide. The report also expresses
the deep frustration of the elite. Although it is of course partly
a pose, the claims of Bouchard, Facal, etc., to be free-thinkers
facing a sea of resistance and their complaints of intolerance
toward their views do express something true about how the ruling
elite perceives the situation and their growing frustration with
even the limited checks traditional bourgeois democratic practices
place on their ability to further remold class relations in the
interests of capital.
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