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Recovering New Orleans dead subordinated to profit and
politics
By John Levine
16 September 2005
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One of the essential tasks in a disaster recovery operationafter
evacuation and care for the livingis the removal of the
dead. This is essential both to prevent the spread of disease
and to identify the remains of those who were lost. In the wake
of Hurricane Katrina, however, federal and state authorities did
not even begin the process for more than a week.
The delay in retrieving the bodies of Katrinas victims
is one of the most telling examples of the indifference of the
authorities to the massive human suffering caused by the disaster.
Incompetence and negligencecombined with contracting
out the task to a private companyhave resulted in a situation
where bodies have been allowed to literally rot beyond recognition
in the fetid flood waters that still cover large parts of New
Orleans.
A major factor contributing to the delay in carrying out this
grim task has been the Bush administrations concern about
the impact that a rising body count will have on public opinion.
Having already come under sharp criticism for the devastating
consequences of its botched response to the hurricane, the administration
sought to delay for as long as possible news and images of the
bodies adding to the mounting death toll.
The ham-fisted attempt of the top military officer in New Orleans,
Lt. Gen. Russel Honore, to block any news coverage of the recovery
operation collapsed in the face of a legal challenge from the
CNN cable television news network. Honores claim that the
principal concern was dignity was belied by the blatant
failure to do anything to collect bodies that littered the citys
streets in the previous days.
The operation was rendered even more sordid by bitter disputes
between the local authorities, the Federal Emergency Management
Agency (FEMA) and the private contractorKenyon International
Emergency Servicesover the terms of the commercial agreement
struck for collecting corpses. Louisianas Democratic Governor
Kathleen Blanco and FEMA officials haggled for days with Kenyon
over a business deal giving them exclusive rights to profits from
body recovery.
The New Orleans Times-Picayune quoted David Passey,
a spokesman for FEMA, telling the newspaper he could not
say why active-duty and National Guard soldiers have not been
participating in the body collection process even though they
constitute the largest relief personnel presence in the New Orleans
area.
The paper also cites Ricardo Zuniga, another FEMA spokesman,
who said Monday that the agencys policy barred military
and municipal police officers from touching the bodies, except
to tag them and report their location to higher authorities.
Spokesmen for Kenyon have said the company arrived in Louisiana
in early September, but did not begin working until September
7, and then only on the basis of an oral contract.
The company then threatened to leave, according to Blanco,
when FEMA would not provide it with an acceptable written contract.
Governor Blanco stepped in, signing a deal with the company, even
though she insisted that it was FEMAs responsibility.
Profits on dead bodies
The fact that the sensitive and urgent task of retrieving victims
bodies is contracted out to a private corporation is itself testimony
to the contempt for Katrinas victims. It is a prime example
of how big business and its political representatives subordinate
all aspects of social life to profit.
The operation was gripped by chaos as federal and local authorities
conflicted over who was really in charge of signing the deal.
In 1997, FEMA formed a working agreement with Kenyon to provide
disaster relief services, including mobile morgues and body recovery
services, according to a company spokesman. Governor Blanco, too,
said, recovery of bodies is a FEMA responsibility.
Yet, according to FEMA spokesman David Passey, From the
beginning, the state had indicated that it will collect the bodies.
He directly contradicted Blanco, saying, The collection
of bodies is not normally a FEMA responsibility.
He claimed that Blancos administration had indicated
it would take responsibility for the corpses, but then changed
its mind, asking for federal assistance. FEMA, according to Passey,
then brought in Kenyon on an oral contract on September 7, nine
days after the hurricane, while it continued negotiations with
company officials.
FEMA offered Kenyon a written contract, but the company rejected
the deal. It was a business decision, said Bill Berry,
a spokesman for Kenyon. The company began work with roughly 115
workers based on the oral contract, which had been set to expire
Tuesday. Berry complained that FEMA made no arrangements with
the company to help it retrieve bodies.
After Kenyon threatened to withdraw its workers from the disaster
region on Monday, the state of Louisiana signed its own contract
with the company on Tuesday. According to Reuters, The contract
between the company and the states Department of Health
and Hospitals runs from September 12 to November 15 at a daily
personnel rate of $118,980, after a 10 percent discount. Kenyon
also estimated expenses of around $639,000 for the first 31 days
of its mission, covering everything from body bags to trailers
to laundry services for its staffers. It will also provide
for housing closer to New Orleans.
The company says it will increase its staff by the tens
and twenties, if not more, from its current 115. If it had
150 workers in the area, that would amount to an average of nearly
$800 per employee per day, surely with the bulk of the funds going
to company profits and salaries of top executives based in Houston,
Texas. And this does not include expenses which will be charged
to the state as the company deems fit.
Who runs Kenyon?
Kenyon, a wholly-owned subsidiary of Service Corporation International
(SCI)which runs one of the largest chains of funeral homes
in the countryworked at the World Trade Center site in 2001
as well as in Thailand to retrieve Australian citizens after last
years tsunami. It also had a contract with the United Nations
in Baghdad in the initial stages of the war to provide mortuary
operations, family assistance and disposition of personal effects,
according its web site.
Based in Houston and publicly traded on the New York Stock
Exchange, SCI owns 1,500 funeral homes throughout North America,
and has been a close political supporter of George W. Bush since
his days as governor of Texas.
SCI has been implicated in multiple scandalsinvolving
unlicensed embalmers, the digging up and dumping of bodies to
clear space for new graves and more profits and the stuffing of
bodies sent for cremation into sheds.
When the company came under investigation in Texas during Bushs
term as governor, an SCI employee threatened the lives of state
regulators. Nonetheless, Bush defended its CEO, Robert Waltrip,
helping to scuttle the probe.
The Texas legislature, whose members also received political
contributions from SCI employees, passed a law overhauling the
Texas Funeral Service Commission, the agency in charge of regulating
the funeral industry, and the investigators lost their posts.
The controversy led to a lawsuit by the commissions director
against Bush, charging the then-Texas governor with obstructing
a legal investigation and having her fired for refusing to go
along.
Playing a prominent role in the scandal was Joe Allbaugh, then
governor Bushs chief of staff and later his first appointment
as FEMAs director. Currently, Allbaughs private firm
is helping coordinate the private-sector response to the
storm, according to the Washington Post.
One of Allbaughs top clients is Kellogg Brown & Root,
a subsidiary of Halliburton (the company formerly run by Dick
Cheney, the vice president), which is already profiting from reconstruction
contracts in the Katrina disaster.
See Also:
Forty-five bodies recovered at New Orleans
hospital
[14 September 2005]
Bush suspends Davis-Bacon Act
Wage-cutting and profit-gouging in the midst of the Katrina
disaster
[12 September 2005]
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