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Australia: NSW by-elections another sign of political volatility
By Richard Phillips
24 September 2005
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In by-elections held last weekend in Sydney, the Labor government
in the Australian state of New South Wales (NSW) retained control
of all three seatsMaroubra, Marrickville and Macquarie Fields.
Yet, the results are hardly a victory for the government, or
the opposition Liberal Party. What WSWS teams found on the day
was a profound disconnect between the official campaigns and the
attitudes of voters who viewed all the main parties with a mixture
of distrust, contempt and outright hostility. (See Australian
voters speak of concerns and discontent).
The outcomes were only a distorted reflection of these sentiments.
In Macquarie Fields, the swing against Labor was 12.4 percent,
with the highest-ever vote recorded in that seat for a Liberal
candidate. In Marrickville there was a 7.5 percent drop in support
for Labor and a record 41 percent vote for the Greens, which came
close to the winning the seat.
Although the swing against Labor in Maroubra was only 3.4 percent,
the Greens won significant support in the southeastern suburbs
seat, doubling its previous vote, and there was also an 11 percent
vote for a local independent candidate.
Labor Premier Morris Iemma attempted to downplay the loss of
votes as typical of by-elections, but, if the Macquarie Fields
swing against Labor were replicated in a full state election,
the party would lose office.
All three electorates have previously been regarded as safe
Labor seats. Last Saturdays ballots were called after the
sudden resignation of Iemmas predecessor, Bob Carr, on July
27 and in the shadow of internal crises in both the Labor and
Liberal parties.
Carr quit without any advance warning to Labor Party officials,
claiming that he was retiring from politics. He was followed several
days later by deputy premier Andrew Refshauge and planning minister
Craig Knowles (see Australia:
state Labor leader positions himself for a federal political career).
The resignations set off a nervous scramble by the state Labor
bureaucracy to appoint a new premier, reshuffle the cabinet and
select new local candidates. Former health minister Iemma, a rather
colourless unknown, was eventually installed as state premier.
He pledged to maintain Carrs policies and, confronting budget
difficulties, announced plans to axe 4,000 public sector jobs.
For many voters, the sudden departure of Carr and two senior
ministers conjured up the image of rats deserting a sinking ship.
With Sydneys long-running property boom collapsing and an
ongoing crisis in public transport, health and education, Carr
and his senior ministers decided that, rather than face possible
defeat at the next state election, it was time to get out and
perhaps look for greener pastures.
First elected in 1995, Labor has systematically run down basic
public services and jobsin education, health and transportwhile
delivering windfall tax concessions for major corporations and
investors. Public transport is in serious difficulties, with the
metropolitan rail system in chaos due to job cuts, outsourcing
and inadequate maintenance. There have been three major rail accidents
since the late 1990s, and late running trains and service cancellations
have become routine.
At the same time, Labor has boosted police numbers, doubled
the number of prisoners and, in the name of fighting terrorism,
introduced some of the most repressive laws in Australia. To bolster
its law-and-order image, Carr ruthlessly mobilised
riot police against unemployed youth in Macquarie Fields and Redfern.
However, the mounting disaffection with Labor has not boosted
the Liberal Party. Its leader John Brogden saw Carrs resignation
as the best opportunity in years to win office and went on the
offensive. In a pitch to big business, Brogden declared that he
would eliminate 29,000 public sector jobs.
Opinion polling, however, showed no real gains for the Liberals,
unleashing bitter recriminations within the party. Within two
weeks, Brogden was ousted as state leader after a scandal manufactured
by the media and his Liberal Party rivals. He was replaced by
Peter Debnam with the backing of right-wing Christian elements
within the party (see Australia:
state opposition leader resigns amid media furore).
The by-elections were regarded as tests for the newly-appointed
Labor and Liberal leaders. Neither party, however, attempted to
make any broad appeal. The candidates focused almost entirely
on narrow, parochial issues. The media played its part by paying
scant attention to the campaign both before polling day and after,
thus ensuring that any political discussion remained limited.
By contrast, many voters used the election as an opportunity
to lodge a protest against Labor on a range of issues, demonstrating
once again that there is no longer such a thing as a safe
seat for either party. Two decades of market reforms
by both Labor and Liberal at the state and federal levels have
had a devastating impact, particularly in working class areas.
Old political loyalties have broken up, creating highly volatile
voting patterns.
Swing against Labor
Labor has held the seat of Macquarie Fields since it was created.
It is one of the poorest electorates in Australia and the scene
in March this year of violent clashes between scores of unemployed
youth and heavily armed riot police. The rundown of essential
services, particularly health care, have been a source of ongoing
resentment and anger throughout the area.
The Liberal Party capitalised on these sentiments by standing
a local nurse, Nola Fraser, who is well-known for having exposed
the deteriorating state of local public hospitals. She obtained
the highest vote ever for a Liberal candidate in the electorate.
Fraser, however, was simply a convenient focus for popular resentmenta
means of registering disgust with Labor. Her vote had little to
do with any increased backing for the Liberals.
Labor only suffered a 3.4 percent swing in Maroubra and easily
held the seat, but the Greens significantly boosted their vote.
Its candidate Anne Gardiner polled 19.5 percent, more than double
their previous vote. Gardiner, a mother of five children, is known
for a campaign she waged against her employers attempt to
relocate her to a rural area.
Like other Greens candidates, Gardiner focused exclusively
on local issues. Her campaign centred on opposing new charges
for street lighting and Labors road transport planning.
Voters concerns on a wide range of issues, including jobs
and working conditions, the war in Iraq, the repressive anti-terror
laws and the treatment of refugees, were largely ignored.
In the seat of Marrickville, Greens candidate Sam Byrne, a
local deputy mayor, adopted a similar strategy and gained the
highest-ever primary vote for the party in any Australian election.
Byrne restricted himself to empty platitudes about improving public
services and the slogan send a message to Labor. The
Greens, which previously cashed in on their limited opposition
to the US-led invasion of Iraq, were completely silent on the
issue.
Labor had to work furiously to ensure its candidate, Carmel
Tebutt, was elected. Tebutt, the education minister, had resigned
her seat in the state upper house to contest the seat. Unable
to call on any significant active party membership, Labor flooded
the electorate with party and union bureaucrats, their family
members and high-profile figures, including federal leader Kim
Beazley and Peter Garrett, a former rock star and now MP. The
party spent an estimated $150,000 in leafletting and other campaign
expenses to prevent a potentially embarrassing defeat.
At a superficial level, the outcome of the polls produced no
surprises and no change in the parliamentary line-up. But the
by-elections again confirm that not far below the surface there
is a political ferment taking place that none of the major parties
can even address.
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