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Sri Lankan peace talks on the verge of collapse
By Nanda Wickremasinghe and K. Ratnayake
19 April 2006
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The Geneva peace talks between the Sri Lankan government and
the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) are on the brink of
collapse, amid escalating violence in the war zones of Sri Lankas
North and East. Some 70 people, including military personnel,
LTTE cadres and civilians, have been killed since the beginning
of April. Many more have been injured and thousands have been
displaced.
The second round of negotiations were due to begin today, but
were postponed until April 24-25 following a dispute over the
transport of LTTE leaders from the East to the northern LTTE stronghold
for discussions prior to the Geneva talks. The Defence Ministry,
supported by President Mahinda Rajapakse, provocatively turned
down an LTTE request for airforce transport, which has previously
been provided.
Efforts to provide sea transport collapsed before the government,
under international pressure, finally offered to hire a private
helicopter as a sign of good faith. There is no guarantee, however,
that the negotiations will proceed.
In a letter to the Norwegian ambassador on Monday, LTTE political
wing leader S.P. Thamilchelvan stated that until the hurdles
in front of us to attend the Geneva talks are removed and a conducive
environment created the LTTE was unable to attend talks.
Yesterday, in comments to Reuters, LTTE peace secretariat chief
S. Pulithevan appeared to go further, saying: While our
people are being killed and our shops looted we are not going
to Geneva. He indicated that the LTTE intended to discuss
an end to the violence with Norwegian peace envoy Jon-Hanssen
Bauer tomorrow.
Bauer arrived in Sri Lanka yesterday for the second time in
two weeks to try to patch up arrangements for the Geneva talks.
Norway is the formal facilitator of the peace process. The Norwegian-led
Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), which supervises the 2002
ceasefire agreement, pessimistically warned on Monday that the
situation in Sri Lanka was spinning out of control.
Already people are dying in large numbers, so the situation
is unacceptable and there is no way we can continue like this.
The parties need to work their way out of the deadlock instead
of speculating and pondering over why and who carried out the
attacks, SLMM spokesperson Helen Olafsdottir said.
In a sign of alarm over the danger of war, the Colombo stock
exchange lost 30 billion rupees or $US300 million over the Easter
break. The All Share Price Index (ASPI) dropped by 4 percent or
100 points. An upsurge in violence and doubt over the Geneva
talks saw investors booking profits, leading to sharp declines
on both indices, John Keells stockbrokers said.
The first round of talks in Geneva on February 22-23the
first since negotiations were suspended in April 2003almost
broke down after the LTTE delegation threatened to walk out if
Colombo insisted on changing the current fragile ceasefire. Under
intense international pressure, both sides eventually agreed to
maintain the ceasefire and hold further talks.
The Rajapakse administration, however, immediately came under
fire from its political alliesthe Sinhala extremist Janatha
Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU)for
failing to amend the ceasefire agreement and remove Norway as
peace facilitator. The JVP and JHU, which provide crucial parliamentary
support to the minority government and backed Rajapakse in presidential
elections last November, attack the ceasefire and Norway for being
pro-LTTE and undermining Sri Lankan sovereignty.
The military top brass has also been openly critical of the
ceasefire. Sections of the armed forces, particularly military
intelligence, have colluded with Tamil paramilitary outfits, particularly
an LTTE-breakaway group in the East headed by Karuna or V. Muralitharan.
At the first round of talks in Geneva, the Colombo government
agreed to implement the ceasefire requirement to disarm these
paramilitaries, but has done nothing to honour the promise.
There was a lull in the violence during and immediately after
the February talks, but what amounts to an undeclared war in the
North and East is again worsening. The military has baldly denied
assisting Karuna and other paramilitaries, and that they have
been operating from government-controlled territory. Yet, the
incidents have been so brazen that even the SLMM has been forced
to comment.
An SLMM statement condemned the blowing up of a trawler that
killed eight navy personnel in the northwestern seas on March
25 but also accused the government of failing to act against the
paramilitaries. Countering statements by the army head Sarath
Fonseka, SLMM chief Hagrup Haukland told the Sunday Times:
Yes we met them (the paramilitaries), spoke with them.
While acknowledging that he had no evidence of army support for
these groups, Haukland declared: I am sorry to say that
it is a mistake by the army commander to say they are operating
not in government-controlled area.
For all the denials by the government and the military, their
political sympathy for the paramilitary outfits is obvious. On
April 10, the political front of the Karuna group, known as the
Thmileela Makkal Viduthalai Puligal (Tamil Eelam Peoples Liberation
Tigers), opened a public office in Batticaloa for the first time.
The ceremony was conducted under heavy police and military guard.
The present round of violence escalated following the provocative
killing of V. Vigneswaran, the president of pro-LTTE Trincomalee
District Tamil Peoples Forum (TDTPF) on April 7. He was shot dead
by an unidentified gunman in Trincomalee, an eastern port city.
Vigneswaran was to have filled the post of pro-LTTE MP Joseph
Pararajasingham, who was assassinated by unidentified gunmen last
December.
Vigneswarans murder took place within a military high
security zone close to army checkpoints as well as a navy command
post. Yet the murderer was not detained. The military denied any
responsibility and the government issued a routine condemnation
of the killing. The LTTE declared it to be the work of the army
and its intelligence operatives. Whoever was responsible,
their aim was clearly to provoke violence and scuttle the upcoming
Geneva talks.
Three days later, a group calling itself Upsurging Peoples
Force claimed responsibility for setting off a claymore mine that
killed five soldiers travelling in a truck at Mirusuvil on the
Jaffna peninsula. In Trincomalee on April 11, eleven navy personnel
were killed and eight injured in another mine blast. While the
LTTE formally denied any involvement, there is little doubt that
it ordered the attacks. Attacks and reprisals have now become
commonplace throughout the North and East.
A vicious incident took place in Trincomalee on April 12. A
bomb was triggered in a crowded vegetable market killing 18 civilianssix
Tamils, seven Sinhalese and six Muslimsand a soldier. Immediately
after the blast, a crowd of Sinhala thugs looted and burned about
two dozen shops owned by Tamils and Muslims. Both the LTTE and
the government have blamed each other.
The bombing has greatly heightened communal tensions in the
area. Some 2,000 Tamils have fled to nearby villages, schools
and temples. In some villages, Sinhala farmers, fearing retaliation,
have also left. The security forces have used the incident to
impose curfews. Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapakse and top
military officials visited Trincomalee yesterday to review
the security situation.
The LTTE has carried out communal provocations in the past.
In this case, however, serious doubts remain as to who was responsible.
According to last weekends Sunday Times, R. Rajarammohan,
the chairman of the chamber of commerce and industries, formally
complained that the police did not act promptly. Hatton
National Bank branch manager K. Arumugam said police did not arrive
for 30 minutes, despite an instant bank alarm connected to the
local police headquarters.
The bomb blast could well have been organised by Tamil paramilitaries
or Sinhala extremists connected to the JVP, JHU or other outfits
such as the North East Sinhala Organisation (NESO) which are active
in the East and have close links with the security forces. These
groups, as well as sections of the military establishment, are
deeply hostile to the peace process.
The JVP has carried out an aggressive campaign in the lead-up
to the Geneva talks to demand changes to the ceasefire agreement
and a crackdown on the LTTE. Its political bureau issued a statement
on April 16 calling everyone to rally to free the motherland
from separatist terrorism. It insisted that the government
and patriotic masses should not allow Tiger terrorists to swallow
the lives of members of security forces and unarmed citizens under
the name of false peace.
The LTTE is under intense international pressure to agree to
talks and reach a peace deal to end the countrys 20-year
civil war. The US in particular, which regards the conflict as
a dangerous impediment to its growing economic and strategic interests
in the region, is pressuring the LTTE to negotiate. It has one-sidedly
condemned the latest attacks on Sri Lankan military personnel
and in January issued a veiled threat to back Colombo in any renewed
conflict.
At the same time, however, the LTTE is desperate to shore up
its eroding support among the Tamil minority. After three years
of ceasefire, the social conditions of working people in the North
and East have further eroded, fuelling discontent over LTTE taxes
and autocratic rule. As a result, the LTTE has stirred up communal
tensions and resorted to anti-Sinhala chauvinism to bolster its
standing.
Even if the second round of talks in Geneva does go ahead,
there is little prospect for any substantive agreement. The inability
of either side to make any significant concession reflects the
fundamental inability of any section of the Sri Lankan ruling
elite to break with the communal politics on which they have relied
for more than 50 years to divide working people and maintain their
precarious rule.
See Also:
Despite peace talks, Sri Lanka drifts
towards civil war
[1 April 2006]
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