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On eve of Lebanon ceasefire deadline: US, Israel face political
debacle
By the Editorial Board
14 August 2006
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A UN-mandated ceasefire in Lebanon is due to take effect today
at 7 a.m. local time. The resolution was approved by the Security
Council on Friday evening, after the US and Israel accepted revisions
to an earlier draft proposed by the Bush administration. It is
by no means clear what the immediate consequences of the cessation
of hostilities will be, and whether the ceasefire, if implemented,
will hold. There is no doubt, however, that the political outcome
is a major debacle for both Israel and the US.
Only hours before the UN vote, the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF)
launched a massive offensive, in an effort to capture territory
south of the Litani River and wreak further destruction throughout
Lebanon. The military has tripled the number of occupying troops
in the south to 30,000, and has bombed targets throughout the
country, including in Beirut. But, as throughout the month-long
war, the IDF is encountering fierce resistance from Hezbollah.
Saturday was the bloodiest single day of fighting for the Israeli
military, with 24 dead, many more wounded and a combat helicopter
downed for the first time.
Israels ongoing aggression, carried out with open US
support, leaves no doubt that any ceasefire will only be a pause
in the US-Israeli drive to destroy Hezbollah, reduce Lebanon to
the status of a protectorate and thereby create the conditions
for a wider war against Syria and Iran.
This is despite the fact that the attack on Lebanon has resulted
in a setback to US-Israeli war aims, and has further isolated
both countries, fuelling popular opposition to their governments
in the Middle East and around the world.
The US and Israel have spent much of the last month arguing
that any ceasefire could only come after the IDF destroyed Hezbollah.
Now, however, it is clear that Israeli expectations of a short
and decisive campaign have come to nothing. The Israeli military
has proven unable to secure significant Lebanese territory, despite
a ferocious month-long offensive that has seen more than a thousand
civilians killed and a million turned into refugees.
For weeks, Israeli forces have failed to capture key towns
and areas on the border between Israel and Lebanon. While the
military now claims to occupy Lebanese territory south of the
Litani, key towns remain battlefields between Israeli and Hezbollah
fighters. Israeli claims to have captured urban centres such as
Bint Jbeil have proven shortlived as its troops have withdrawn
in the face of determined resistance. Hezbollah continues to fire
rockets from southern Lebanon; on Sunday at least 250 were firedthe
highest number of Hezbollah rockets to hit Israel in a single
day.
This situation has forced the Bush administration to abandon
its previous opposition to any ceasefire. As the New York Times
reported on Saturday: A senior administration official in
Crawford, Tex., where Mr. Bush is on vacation, said that it increasingly
seemed that Israel would not be able to achieve a military victory,
a realisation that led the Americans to get behind a cease-fire.
The terms of the UN resolution fell short of previous Israel
and US demands. A combined force of 15,000 Lebanese army soldiers
and 15,000 multinational personnel is to be deployed in southern
Lebanon under the banner of UNIFIL (United Nations Interim Force
in Lebanon). The Olmert government had previously insisted that
any multinational force be formed under the auspices of NATO,
independently of UNIFIL, which has drawn the ire of successive
Israeli governments for failing to suppress Hezbollah.
Moreover, the French-led international forces will not be deployed
with authority under Chapter 7 of the UN Charter, which would
allow the forcible disarmament of Hezbollah and the enforcement
of the ceasefire by military means. Instead, the less coercive
terms of Chapter 6 have been chosen. In another revision, Israeli
troops are to be withdrawn in parallel with the introduction
of the multinational force. The US and Israel previously insisted
that no demand for troop withdrawals be included in the resolution.
However, the ceasefire resolution in no way establishes the
basis for any genuine peace. It does not restore Lebanese sovereignty
nor does it condemn Israels war crimes. The IDF will be
permitted to maintain its occupation of the south until the multinational
force is assembled, a process that may take weeks.
In the most striking demonstration of the UNs contemptible
accommodation to Israeli aggression, the resolution demands that
Hezbollah cease all attacks, while only calling for an end to
Israels offensive military operations. This
effectively gives the IDF a free hand to continue its operations,
which have always been justified in the name of national
defence.
The ceasefire resolution has exacerbated the bitter divisions
that exist within the Olmert government and the IDF. There is
no confidence within the Israeli ruling elite that a joint Lebanese-UN
force will be either willing or able to disarm Hezbollah and prevent
its re-emergence in southern Lebanon. Everyone is conscious that
an Israeli withdrawal in the present conditions would be understood
in Lebanon and throughout the Middle East as a defeat for the
Zionist state.
Israels inability to smash Hezbollah has destroyed the
myth of the invincible IDF, which has played a critical role in
Israels history. Its erosion is sending shockwaves through
the ruling elite. According to Israeli media reports, there is
now a complete breakdown in trust between the government and the
senior IDF command.
Tensions erupted following Olmerts removal of Major General
Udi Adam as commander in Lebanon. The dismissal came after Adam
publicly criticised the government for not allowing him to fight
the war which had been prepared for years. According to Israeli
reports, the IDF had planned an overwhelming attack on Lebanon,
beginning with a short aerial bombardment and ending with a land
and sea invasion aimed at splitting the country in two and attacking
Hezbollah positions south of the Litani River from the north.
The plans had been worked out long before Hezbollahs
capture of two Israeli soldiers on July 12, which the Olmert government
seized upon as a pretext for the war. In an article posted today
on the New Yorker web site, veteran journalist Seymour
Hersh has revealed the extent of US involvement.
The Bush Administration was closely involved in the planning
of Israels retaliatory attacks, he writes. President
Bush and Vice-President Dick Cheney were convinced, current and
former intelligence and diplomatic officials told me, that a successful
Israeli Air Force bombing campaign against Hezbollahs heavily
fortified underground-missile and command-and-control complexes
in Lebanon could ease Israels security concerns and also
serve as a prelude to a potential American preëmptive attack
to destroy Irans nuclear installations, some of which are
also buried deep underground.
Recriminations have led to open conflict within Israels
Kadima-Labour coalition government. Haaretz described the
situation at last Wednesdays cabinet meeting: Rifts
between Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Defense Minister Amir Peretz.
Rifts between Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni and IDF Chief of Staff
Dan Halutz. And those between the head of the Mossad, Meir Dagan
and Head of the Intelligence Corps, Amos Yadlin. And between Peretz
and his predecessor, Shaul Mofaz and between Mofaz and Avi Dichter.
One of those present summed the situation up by saying, everyone
was involved in at least one quarrel.
Public support for the war has wavered as the military situation
has deteriorated. According to a Haaretz opinion survey,
Olmert has a satisfaction rating of just 48 percent, down from
75 percent in the initial stages of the war. Even pro-war liberal
Zionist groups such as the Meretz Party and Peace Now have come
out in favour of a diplomatic solution to the crisis. Likud and
the other right-wing parties have declared that their support
for the government will now end with the cessation of hostilities.
Sections of the Israeli press have speculated that the ruling
coalition could soon collapse.
Meanwhile, the international image of both Israel and the US
has suffered massively. Israel is seen more than ever as a lawless
and murderous regime, responsible in Lebanon for carrying out
repeated war crimes. The US is seen as the criminal regime pulling
the strings. Nothing will erase the image of Rice standing in
Beirut proclaiming the birth of a new Middle East
while US-supplied Israeli bombs and missiles were destroying the
country.
There are enormous implications of this failed adventure for
Israel, the Middle East, the US, and the world. The most profound
consequences will not be felt immediately. But they can only deeply
destabilise Israeli society, encourage a growth of anti-Zionist
and anti-imperialist resistance, fatally weaken US-allied Arab
regimes such as Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia, and further discredit
the global militarist policies of the Bush administration and
the entire US ruling elite.
This does not mean that the danger of new and wider wars has
eased. The US, already facing a deteriorating situation in Afghanistan
and Iraq, is locked into a quest for global hegemony, and it must
be anticipated that its basic aim of removing the regime in Syria
and preparing for war against Iran will go forward. Israel, for
its part, may respond by intensifying its violence, particularly
against the Palestinians.
But a certain turning point has been reached, in which the
political and moral bankruptcy of both the Zionist state and US
imperialism have been exposed before the eyes of the world.
Those who authored this savage war in Lebanon must be held
accountable for their crimes. Such an accounting cannot and will
not be carried out by any of the major powers, the UN, or any
other imperialist-dominated institution. The US, European Union,
Arab League, and the UN have all conspired to justify Israels
aggression and hold off a ceasefire to give Israel time to inflict
further death and destruction in Lebanon, thus demonstrating in
the most naked manner the brutal essence of imperialist domination
in the Middle East.
The only force capable of bringing the war criminals in Tel
Aviv and Washington to justice is the international working class.
And the only basis for a democratic and peaceful resolution to
the crisis in the Middle East is the unified struggle of the working
masses for the socialist reorganisation of the region in opposition
to the forces of imperialism and Zionism.
See Also:
The conflict in Lebanon and the standpoint
of the working class
[10 August 2006]
Israeli war crimes aimed at cleansing
south Lebanon
[9 August 2006]
Behind Bushs truce
plan: the drive towards a wider Middle East war
[8 August 2006]
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