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US court rules NSA spying program unconstitutional
Bush appeals decision and denounces judge
By Joe Kay
19 August 2006
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In a sharply worded decision, a federal judge ruled on Thursday
that a program set up by the Bush administration to monitor phone
calls and emails of US citizens without court-issued warrants
violates a federal statute and the US Constitution.
Judge Anna Diggs Taylor of the US District Court in Detroit
ruled that the program, operated by the National Security Agency
(NSA) since 2001, violates the First and Fourth Amendments to
the Constitution, the separation of powers principle laid out
in the Constitution, and a 1978 law enacted to regulate domestic
spying by the government. As a consequence, she ruled that the
program must be stopped.
In a blunt rebuke to the Bush administrations assertion
of virtually unlimited presidential powers, Taylor wrote that
the government appears to argue here that ... because the
president is designated commander in chief of the Army and Navy,
he has been granted the inherent power to violate not only the
laws of the Congress, but the First and Fourth Amendment of the
Constitution itself.... There are no hereditary kings in America
and no powers not created by the Constitution.
The Bush administration immediately announced that it would
appeal the decision and filed a brief calling on the judge to
stay her ruling pending the outcome of legal appeals. A hearing
on the request for a stay was scheduled for September 7. In the
meantime, the NSA surveillance program will be allowed to continue
on the basis of an agreement reached between the chief plaintiff,
the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and the US Justice Department.
The administration denounced the ruling, reiterating its position
that the president has quasi-dictatorial powers, including the
right to ignore federal laws and secretly wiretap Americans, by
virtue of his position as commander in chief in the war
on terror.
At a press conference on Friday, Bush said that he strongly
disagreed with the decision and added he was confident it would
be reversed on appeal. The appeal will go before the politically
conservative Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals, and is expected ultimately
to end up in the US Supreme Court, which has shifted further to
the right with the addition of two Bush appointeesChief
Justice John Roberts and Associate Justice Samuel Alito.
At his press conference, Bush said that those who heralded
Taylors ruling simply do not understand the nature
of the world in which we live. Ignoring the constitutional
and legal issues addressed by the court, he declared, [W]e
must give those whose responsibility it is to protect the United
States the tools necessary to protect this country in a time of
war.
Republican Congressman Peter Hoekstra, the chairman of the
House Intelligence Committee, came close to calling Judge Taylor
a traitor, saying, It is disappointing that a judge would
take it upon herself to disarm America during a time of war.
In the case before Judge Taylor, the plaintiffsincluding
the ACLU, a Muslim-American organization, and several historians
and journalistsdid not challenge the governments claim
that the NSA program is designed to monitor only calls between
the US and other countries in which one of the parties is suspected
of being a member of Al Qaeda. Several media reports have indicated
that the program is much more expansive than this, and is only
part of a much broader effort by the government to spy on the
American people.
The plaintiffs did challenge, in addition to the NSA wiretapping
operation, a separate NSA program, exposed earlier this year by
USA Today, in which major telecommunications companies
give the government access to massive databases of phone records
of millions of Americans. Taylor accepted the administrations
claim that any court action on this program would require the
exposure of state secrets.
Nevertheless, her decision on the NSA eavesdropping program
was a sharp rebuff to the Bush administration. Taylor ruled that
the NSA program violates the Fourth Amendment, which prohibits
unreasonable searches and seizures and states that
no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause.
Taylor cited a 1984 Supreme Court ruling which noted that the
Court had repeatedly upheld the Fourth Amendments insistence
on adherence to judicial process and declared that searches
conducted outside the judicial process, without prior approval
by judge or magistrate, are per se unreasonable under the Fourth
Amendmentsubject only to a few specifically established
and well-delineated exceptions.
Certain exceptions are set out in the 1978 Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act (FISA), which allows the attorney general to
authorize a search without a warrant for up to 72 hours.
However, the NSA program, according to the judge, was
set up entirely outside the judicial process. The
program therefore violates not only the FISA Act, but also the
Fourth Amendment.
In violating the Fourth Amendment, the judge argued, the administration
is also violating the First Amendment, since the right of free
speech is inextricably bound up with the prohibition of unreasonable
searches and seizures. Taylor cited a 1961 Supreme Court case
in which the court noted, The Bill of Rights was fashioned
against the background of knowledge that unrestricted power of
search and seizure could also be an instrument for stifling liberty
of expression.
In her argument, Taylor traced the history of both the First
and Fourth Amendments, noting that they were passed in reaction
to the authoritarian actions of the British crown, which indiscriminately
searched the homes and persons of American colonists in an effort
to repress political dissent.
As part of the separation of powers between three co-equal
brancheslegislative, executive and judicialwhich forms
the foundation of the American constitutional system, Article
II of the Constitution grants to the president, as head of the
executive branch, the task of executing laws. It also ensures
civilian control over the military by making the president the
commander in chief of the armed forces.
In justifying its sweeping attacks on democratic rights, the
Bush administration has grossly distorted the commander in chief
clause to advance the position that Article II gives the president
an inherent power to override the legislative and
judicial branches and take virtually any action in the name of
national security.
Taylor also dismissed another repeated claim of the Bush administration:
that the congressional resolution passed in the immediate aftermath
of 9/11 authorizing military action against the perpetrators of
the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington sanctioned any
and all actions taken by the White House in the name of the war
on terror, including its secret domestic spying programs.
In presenting its case before Taylor, the government did not
attempt to justify the NSA program on legal grounds. Rather, it
argued that the suit should be thrown out because its adjudication
would threaten the exposure of classified national security information.
Taylor rejected this argument, noting that the Bush administration
has already acknowledged the existence of the NSA wiretapping
program, and that the plaintiffs were not seeking additional information.
She said that the plaintiffs had standing to bring the case, since
the very existence of the program had already had a material effect
in hindering or preventing communications between journalists
and their sources, and between attorneys and their clients.
The judge wrote that if she were to accept the arguments of
the government, the presidents actions in warrantless
wiretapping ... would be immunized from judicial scrutiny. It
was never the intent of the Framers to give the president such
unfettered control, particularly where his actions blatantly disregard
the parameters clearly enumerated in the Bill of Rights.
In appealing the ruling, the administration is counting on
a sympathetic right-wing majority on the Supreme Court. On a parallel
track, the White House is working with Republican Senator Arlen
Specter to pass a bill that would take all of the cases presently
in the courts challenging the NSA program and place them before
the secret FISA court. That court, which was set up to approve
FISA warrants, has already declared in a previous case that the
president has an inherent authority to order warrantless wiretapping.
See Also:
US Congress moves to sanction domestic
spying
[10 August 2006]
July 4th 2006: The state of
US democracy 230 years after the American Revolution
[4 July 2006]
New exposure of US government
spying
Bush administration compiling massive database of bank records
[24 June 2006]
Framework for a police
state
US government phone spying targets all Americans
[12 May 2006]
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