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More revelations of illegal spying by US government
By Joe Kay
7 January 2006
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Over the past week, several new reports have emerged casting
additional light on the vast extent of illegal spying carried
out by the US government. It is becoming increasingly clear that
the government has initiated a major project to collect and database
the communications of US citizens and non-citizens, including
opponents of the war in Iraq and other policies of the Bush administration.
Moves to initiate the program began before September 11, 2001.
However, as with all the policies pursued by the government since
then, the terrorist attacks have been used to justify the spying
under the overarching pretext of the war on terrorism.
James Risen, one of the authors of the original New York
Times article exposing a broad program of spying by the National
Security Agency (NSA) without legally required court-issued warrants,
has published a book entitled State of War: The Secret History
of the CIA and the Bush Administration. The book elaborates
on what has already become clear from Risens own articles
and other reports that have emerged in the press: that the spying
program is much broader than the administration has been forced
to acknowledge, and includes surveillance on purely domestic communications
as well as communications entering and leaving the United States.
Risen reports that the NSA has been able to gain access to
telecommunications switches, which are routing stations run by
a handful of giant companies that direct large quantities of telephone
calls and e-mails. Unknown to most Americans, Risen
writes, the NSA has extremely close relationships with both
the telecommunications and computer industries, according to several
government officials. Only a very few top executives in each corporation
are aware of such relationships or know about the willingness
of the corporations to cooperate on intelligence matters.
These switches contain both international communications and
communications entirely within the US. Because the US controls
the Internet infrastructure, much of the worlds e-mail traffic
at some point passes through stations located within the United
States. With its direct access to the US telecommunications
system, there seems to be no physical or logistical obstacle to
prevent the NSA from eavesdropping on anyone in the United States
that it chooses, Risen writes. The program established to
allow the NSA spying is a highly secretive special access
program, with no oversight or accountability required from
the NSA regarding the communications it decides to monitor and
for what reason.
Washington Post correspondent Walter Pincus reported
in an article on January 1 that the NSA has been sharing the data
it collects with other US agencies, including the militarys
new command for North America, the Northern Command (Northcom).
Citing current and former administration officials, the Post
reported that the agencies that may have access to the information
collected by the NSA include the FBI, the Defense Intelligence
Agency (DIA), the CIA and the Department of Homeland Security.
According to Pincus, At least one of those organizations,
the DIA [the military intelligence arm], has used NSA information
as the basis for carrying out surveillance of people in the country
suspected of posing a threat, according to two sources. A DIA
spokesman said the agency does not conduct such domestic surveillance
but would not comment further.
While the officials insisted that the NSA tracks only individuals
with apparent links to organizations that the US government considers
to be terrorist, other agencies may be using it for more general
purposes, the Post reported. What data sets are included
is a policy decision [made by individual agencies] when they involve
other than terrorist links, the newspaper quoted one former
administration official as saying.
The DIA databases are coordinated by Northcom, which collects
information from the NSA as well as other intelligence and police
agencies. According to an earlier report by Pincus, one of the
databases run by the military included information on anti-war
protestors. This database is shared with other organizations,
including law enforcement agencies.
This sharing of names and information within intelligence agencies
is widespread. A brief report in Newsweek on May 2, 2005,
which has received little attention in the media since, noted,
According to information obtained by Newsweek, since
January 2004 NSA receivedand fulfilledbetween 3,000
and 3, 500 requests from other agencies to supply the names of
US citizens and officials (and citizens of other countries that
help NSA eavesdrop around the world, including Britain, Canada
and Australia) that initially were deleted from raw intercept
reports. In total, the news magazine reported, the number
of names provided by the NSA to other agencies during this period
surpassed 10,000.
The danger that these steps pose to the democratic rights and
personal freedom of the American people can hardly be overemphasized.
The establishment of the Northern Command in 2002 was a critical
step in the expansion of the role of the military in domestic
affairs. In the summer of 2005, reports emerged of plans being
developed within Northcom for the military to assume sweeping
new powers, using a terrorist attack or natural catastrophe as
the reason. (See Pentagon
devising scenarios for martial law in US)
Any databases or lists of names, culled from searches through
e-mails and telephone conversations, could form the basis for
mass round-ups and arrests of anyone considered to be a threat
to national security.
Such plans are hardly unprecedented. In the 1980s, the Reagan
administration worked out a procedure for mass arrests of opponents
of a US invasion of Nicaragua or El Salvador. The current director
of national intelligence, John Negroponte, was US ambassador to
Honduras during the time, and was closely involved with US actions
in Central America, including the US-financed war against the
government of Nicaragua.
Negroponte, now occupying a position tasked with coordinating
the work of 15 different intelligence agencies, including the
NSA and the DIA, is presumably a central figure in the coordination
of the illegal spying operations currently being employed by the
Bush administration.
A central component of the administrations policy since
it came to office has been to erect the foundations for what would
amount to a presidential dictatorship. The same officials who
developed pseudo-legal arguments to justify the spying program
have argued that the president has the constitutional authority
as commander in chief to detain any individual, including any
US citizen, indefinitely and without charges on the grounds that
he or she may be a threat to national security.
The new NSA spying program was so blatantly in violation of
the 1978 Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, which requires
the NSA to obtain warrants for domestic spying from a special
intelligence court, that it generated divisions within the Bush
administration itself.
A New York Times article on January 1 noted that at
one point in 2004, Deputy Attorney General James Comey, then acting
as attorney general while John Ashcroft was recovering from surgery,
refused to give approval to some aspects of the program. Ashcroft
himself apparently indicated some reservations after an emergency
intervention by White House Chief of Staff Andrew Card and White
House Counsel Alberto Gonzales, now attorney general. That Ashcroft,
who was closely associated with all the attacks on democratic
rights of Bushs first term, had some concerns is indicative
of the extraordinary breadth of the spying program.
The Bush administration continues to lie about the extent and
purpose of the spying. In a speech on January 4 to the Heritage
Foundation, Vice President Dick Cheney repeated the argument that
the spying is authorized by the US Constitution and the congressional
resolution passed following the attacks on September 11. He also
repeated the line that the spying is necessary for the war
on terrorism and is limited to terrorist-linked international
communications. If the surveillance had been in place prior
to September 11, we might have been able to pick up on two
hijackers who subsequently flew a jet into the Pentagon,
he said.
According to the arguments of Cheney, Bush and the administration
as a whole, the war on terrorism grants unlimited
powers, and anyone who opposes these powers is aiding and abetting
terrorism. The claim that if the government had these powers before
September 11, it would have been able to stop the attacks is absurd
on two counts. First, it is by now well documented that the FBI
and CIA had information on at least some of the hijackers but
did not act on this information. There is considerable evidence
that points to the complicity at some level of the government
itself in facilitating the attacks, which provided a pretext for
a major policy shift, including the introduction of new spying
powers and a vast expansion of US military action abroad, including
the implementation of pre-existing plans to invade Iraq.
Second, plans for the expansion of NSA spying powers began
before September 11. Their aim is not to combat terrorism, but
to monitor the activity of the American people.
According to a January 3 report in the online magazine Slate,
the NSAs attempts to gain access to telecommunications switches
began months before the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington.
A former telecom executive told us that efforts to obtain
call details go back to early 2001, predating the 9/11 attacks
and the presidents now celebrated secret executive order,
Slate reporters Shane Harris and Tim Naftali wrote. The
source, who asked not to be identified so as not to out his former
company, reports that the NSA approached US carriers and asked
for their cooperation in a data-mining operation,
which might eventually cull millions of individual
calls and e-mails.
A report written by the NSA in December 2000 for the incoming
Bush administration argued that the agency had to develop new
ways to exploit modern communications systems. While circumspect
on specific proposals, the Transition 2001 report, made public
after a Freedom of Information Act request by the non-governmental
National Security Archives, called for much more expansive monitoring
of telecommunications.
The report stated that under conditions in which communications
are now mostly digital, carry billions of bits of data,
and contain voice, data and multimedia...senior leadership must
understand that todays and tomorrows mission will
demand a powerful, permanent presence on a global telecommunications
network that will host the protected communications
of Americans as well as targeted communications of adversaries.
A report written somewhat earlier, in June 1999, by Lieutenant
General Jim Clapper of the NSA Scientific Advisory Board, argued
for similar measures. While heavily redacted, the report, also
made available by the National Security Archives, called for the
development of digital network intelligence, which
it defined as the intelligence from intercepted data communications
transmitted between, or resident on, networked computers.
Modern communications posed the problem of manipulating
huge volumes of heterogeneous complex data, it said.
Such large-scale data mining operations have now been implemented.
The Democratic Party is complicit in the implementation of
these broad new spying powers. Leading members of the party were
informed and repeatedly briefed on the NSA program, going back
to at least October 2001.
A letter recently released by House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi,
written on October 11, 2001, when she was the ranking Democrat
on the House Intelligence Committee, demonstrates that the Democrats
knew of the attempts to expand the powers of the NSA, even prior
to an explicit and secret presidential authorization to begin
the program.
The letter was written in response to a briefing given by the
head of the NSA, Michael Hayden, to the House and Senate intelligence
committees. In her letter, Pelosi does not object to the new programs
as such, but rather raises concerns about whether, and to
what extent, the National Security Agency has received specific
presidential authorization for the operations you are conducting.
In spite of the fact that the Democrats were informed of the
illegal program, no attempt was made to inform the American people
and oppose this illegal and unconstitutional violation of democratic
rights. Even with the public exposure of the secret NSA program,
and Bushs brazen assertion of his intention to continue
its authorization, no leading Democrats have broached the possibility
of impeachment. They are well aware of their own responsibility,
and they have no disagreement with the administrations fundamental
aim: the suppression of political opposition to the militarist
and imperialist policies of the US ruling elite.
See Also:
Bush employs Big
Lie technique to defend illegal spying on Americans
[24 December 2005]
With the White House
defiant on illegal spying: Why no outcry for Bushs impeachment?
[21 December 2005]
Bush defends illegal
spying on Americans: the specter of presidential dictatorship
[19 December 2005]
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