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Philippines
Renewed efforts to impeach Philippines president
By John Roberts
14 July 2006
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Late last month, the first of several petitions to restart
impeachment procedures against Philippines president Gloria Macapagal
Arroyo was filed in the lower house of the national parliament.
While the latest impeachment moves appear to have little chance
of success, the issue is being fuelled by an acrimonious debate
in ruling circles over a package of constitutional changes being
vigorously pushed by Arroyo.
The first complaint was filed on June 26 and was followed the
next day by a second petition from former vice-president Teofisto
Guingona. The complaints repeat allegations made in impeachment
proceedings last year, including that Arroyo rigged the May 2004
presidential election, her close family members have been involved
in accepting kickbacks and her administration has attacked democratic
rights.
The moves to oust Arroyo stalled last year after she proposed
changes to the constitution that would transform the countrys
political system from a presidential to a parliamentary one. Having
failed, a second impeachment attempt had to wait a year, in line
with current legal requirements.
Responding to the petitions, presidential advisor Gabriel Claudio
issued a statement on July 8 declaring the latest impeachment
moves had no chance of obtaining the 79 signatures needed in the
House of Representatives to refer the charges for trial in the
upper house Senate. The lower house is currently dominated by
Arroyos supporters, including her own Lakas party. Claudio
said that Arroyos opponents were by their own admission
incoherent and disunited.
Arroyo is pressing ahead with her plans for constitution change,
also widely known in the Philippines as Cha Cha, short
for Charter Change. Under the proposal, the present two parliamentary
bodies would be reduced to one, which would elect a prime minister,
reducing the current executive president to a largely formal head
of state. Arroyo has also made a series of proposals to remove
constitutional restrictions on the operation of foreign capital
in the Philippines.
The steps have the backing of big business and foreign investors.
In mid-June, investment fund management firm Merrill Lynch issued
an overweight buy recommendation for the Philippines
on the basis that impeachment had little chance of success and
the prospects for constitutional change were at least 50 percent.
UK based Merrill Lynch analyst Benoit Anne said that a unicameral
legislature would streamline decision-making and be
cost effective.
Arroyo appointed a 55-member Consultative Commission in August
last year to propose changes to the 1987 constitution. The commission
recommended in December that the 2007 elections for the House
of Representatives and half the Senate be cancelled. The elected
politicians would serve as an interim government with Arroyo as
head of state, sharing power with a prime minister, until fresh
elections in May 2010 under the new constitutional arrangements.
The process was due to start last month, but has run into fierce
opposition. Many critics had denounced the proposals as a backdoor
means of extending Arroyos term of office. As a result,
the administration has been forced to ditch plans to cancel the
2007 elections. The constitutional changes have also been vehemently
opposed in the parliamentary Senate, which would be abolished.
As 21 of the 26 senators have rejected the changes, Arroyo
has been unable to amend the constitution via parliament and has
been forced to resort to a popular plebiscite known as a peoples
initiative. This week Sigaw ng Bayan, an umbrella group
of Arroyos supporters, and the Union of Local Authorities
of the Philippines (ULAP) are due to present a petition with 10.8
million signatures calling for the institution of a peoples
initiative to amend the constitution.
The organisations claim to have the signatures of more than
the 12 percent of the national electorate and three percent of
voters in each congressional district needed to force a plebiscite.
Arroyo has ignored objections by her opponents that a 1997 Supreme
Court ruling made the whole process illegal because of the lack
of enabling legislation. Dispensing with legal precedent, government
supporters have simply pointed out that the judges involved in
the split vote have since left the court.
Economic agenda
While the only question posed on the petition is the establishment
of a parliamentary system, its advocates are also pushing to remove
constitutional and legal restrictions on the ownership of land
and other barriers to foreign investment in mining, media and
communications. On July 5, ULAP issued a statement declaring that
the political changes would clear the way for the Philippines
to join the ranks of Asias tiger economies. This is
what Charter Change is about, ULAP board member Allan Zulueta
told a rally in Batanes province.
Romela Bengzon, chairman of the Charter Change Advocacy Commissions
economic liberalisation committee, said that restrictive
and protectionist economic policies had to be ditched to
attract foreign investment to provide jobs and renovate infrastructure.
Bengzon used figures for 2003 to illustrate the countrys
poor performance in attracting foreign direct capital: that year
Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia received $US24.1 billion,
$10.4 billion, $7.3 billion and $4.3 billion respectively. The
Philippines received just $3.1 billion.
Opponents of Charter Change include powerful political forces
opposed to any further opening of the economy to foreign competition.
One of the opposition groups called STOP (Sa Tamang Oras at Paraan)
is headed by former president Corazon Aquino, senators and congressmen,
business groups and Catholic bishops. The bishops have denounced
the peoples initiative campaign, saying most
people signing the petition were ill-informed and were being manipulated.
Opposition centres around the economic changes. Aquino became
president following the popular revolt that ousted the Marcos
military dictatorship in 1986 and enshrined the current protectionist
measures in the 1987 constitution. In essence, she speaks for
landowners and business layers in the Philippines who fear that
greater foreign competition will undermine their economic and
political position.
Like Arroyo, her opponents attempt to camouflage their class
interest by claiming to speak in the name of the poor as well
as defending the national patrimony. Aquino is being
backed by various leftist and Stalinist parties. The Philippine
Communist Party (PKP) issued a statement last month denouncing
the constitutional amendments as a plot to remove all of
the remaining patriotic provisions from the constitution.
Debate over ending the protectionist measures in the constitution
has been a key feature of the countrys repeated political
crises.
In 1999, the administration of President Joseph Estrada also
proposed Cha Cha reforms. As his secretary for socioeconomic planning
Felipe Medalla explained: The president sees the need to
make the Constitution foreign investment-friendly to give the
Philippines a competitive edge in the world market.
In 2000 Estrada opened the retail trade and grain milling to
foreign investment. These steps, however, earned him powerful
enemies, including Aquino, who led a protest campaign that blocked
his proposed constitutional changes. In January 2001, he was ousted
from office over trumped-up corruption charges by an opposition
movement in which Aquino, church leaders and the military were
prominent.
Arroyo, who replaced Estrada, has followed an economic agenda,
which is opposed by many of those who supported her in 2001. Her
administration has partly deregulated the energy sector and won
the plaudits of international finance by increasing the Value
Added Tax from 10 to 12 percent in February.
There is no doubt, however, that Arroyos proposed constitutional
changes are again opening up sharp divisions in ruling circles
and thus the prospect of deepening political turmoil.
See Also:
Political tensions continue
after Philippine state of emergency ends
[13 March 2006]
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