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Chinas middle-class dream shattered: millions of graduates
face unemployment
By John Chan
2 June 2006
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This summer will be a huge disappointment for millions of Chinese
university and college graduates. After spending a fortune, usually
of their parents money, on school fees, and years of hard
work, most of them will not even find a job.
A number of Chinese government departments acknowledged this
fact last month. A report by the National Development and Reform
Commission, the former central planner, warned that China faces
serious challenges this year because there will be no work for
60 percent of the 4.13 million new graduates. Only 1.6 million
jobs will be available for themdown 22 percent from the
previous year. In addition, many of the 2005 graduates still have
not found work.
Zhang Xiaojian, vice minister of labour and social security,
told the official Xinhua news agency on May 7: It is hard
to create new jobs in large numbers due to surplus production
capacity, more trade frictions and revaluation of the yuan. As
a result, it will be less easy to tackle employment pressure.
For millions of students, the likelihood of being unemployed
or forced to accept low-paid work is only going to increase in
coming years.
Last year, 5.04 million students were enrolled in universities
and colleges4.7 times more than in 1998. The number of students
in higher educational institutions reached 23 millionthe
highest total in the world. Without any improvement expected in
the labour market in coming years, most students will fall into
the ranks of Chinas highly exploited working class.
Those who find work are confronting low wages. A government
survey reported that in 2005, the average monthly salaries of
employed graduates grew to just 1,588 yuan ($US198) from 1551
yuan ($194) in 2003. Meanwhile, the cost of living has risen far
more quickly, so real wages declined or stagnated.
An article by China Daily on May 9 drew attention to
the desperate plight of new graduates: spending almost every day
looking for employment with little time for sleep, while their
parents were financially drained. As students on whom families
pin high hopes, none feel at ease ending years of admirable university
study and life by returning home jobless, it said.
Zhang Yue, who graduated from the Central University of Finance
and Economics last July, said he had sent hundreds of applications
and participated in many jobs fairs in Beijing, Shanghai and other
cities. But he had received few replies.
Because of the media coverage, I had expected difficulty
in job hunting, but I never anticipated that it would be this
difficult. Only a very few recruiting units gave me interview
notices, Zhang said. A private company in Beijing offered
him a monthly salary of less than 1,500 yuan ($185) and Zhang
was extremely disappointed.
Zhangs situation is typical for millions of college students.
He comes from a rural family in Anhui province whose income is
just a few thousand yuan a year. When he was admitted to university
in 2002, his family had to borrow money to pay the 10,000 yuan
($1,250) in tuition fees and other costs.
With a salary that low in the capital, I feel I cannot
even meet my minimal daily expenses, not to mention repay my parents
for their support and pay off the huge amount of my bank loans,
Zhang told China Daily.
Knowledge on sale
The introduction of user-pay systems in public education, along
with housing and health care, has kept the children of millions
of workers and peasants out of higher education. Even those who
manage to get to university and complete degrees often find themselves
losing out amid the cut-throat competition. China is essentially
functioning as a vast reserve army of cheap labour for global
capital, to help drive down wages around the world in every sphere
of work.
A May 14 Financial Times article commented on the huge
potential pool of cheap and educated labour in China and India.
Western students clever enough to succeed in science or
engineering are clever enough to know they will compete against
growing global armies of educated rivals trained to work hard
for less. Alarmists might decry this competition as cognitive
sweatshops. Pragmatists see the contest as a buyers
market in brains.
The article continued: High-bandwidth networks further
amplify corporate capacity more easily to outsource their science
and engineering processes. Innovative companies will chase cheap
smarts as relentlessly as todays cost-conscious multinationals
pursue cheaper manufacturing and call-centre capacity. Try commanding
a premium wage as a post-doctorate in that marketplace. Knowledge
is not power; it is on sale (Emphasis in original).
For decades after Chinas 1949 revolution, knowledge
is powerthe famous slogan of the Renaissance-era British
materialist philosopher, Sir Francis Baconwas featured in
Chinese schools, campuses and textbooks. It encouraged students
to believe that learning was not just about getting a job, but
had a connection to progressive ideas of the Enlightenment, the
overcoming of superstition and religion by reason and science.
The Stalinist regime, which was never based on genuine socialism,
is now running the worlds fastest growing capitalist economy.
Knowledge on sale is not far from describing government
education policy. Beijing, like many capitalist governments around
the world, has turned education institutions into certificate
factories. Once respected Chinese universities have become notorious
for corruption in scholarship and faked academic research. This
atmosphere suppresses critical and independent thought among students,
while promoting illusions of opportunity and individual
success under the market economy.
The reality, however, is that only the top elite graduates
manage to secure well-paid corporate and professional positions.
Some lucky ones join the privileged state bureaucracyif
they have personal or family connections with the regime. Most
have to wait in long queues for interviews with employers. Their
social status is little different to tens of millions of ordinary
factory workers, service personnel and rural migrants who are
struggling to make a miserable living.
On May 10, Premier Wen Jiabao held a meeting of State Council
to discuss the issue. The Chinese leaders decided to cut enrolment
levels, both to reduce the number of unemployed college youth,
and because of shrinking funding for teachers and other resources
for public higher education.
The regime is well aware that it is sitting on a social time
bomb. In 1989, university students initiated the mass anti-government
protests in Beijing, which rapidly spread into working class communities
across the country. With social inequality today much worse and
more blatant than in 1989, the authorities fear that the frustration
of the youth will feed into wider discontent.
In the 1990s, as rising rural unrest shattered the regimes
traditional support in sections of the peasantry, Beijing tried
to cultivate a base of support among the emerging urban middle-classes.
But the market is now pushing more and more supposedly middle-class
elements, especially educated young people, toward the bottom
of society.
Layers of disaffected intellectuals have already become political
dissidents, voicing criticism of the government. The Beijing leadership
is anxious that currents could emerge with dangerous
political ideas that could spark a movement of workers, peasants
and youth fighting for democratic rights, social equality and
genuine socialism.
See Also:
Asian growth rates rise but
employment problems deepen
[9 May 2006]
Beijing's new moral model:
from peasant soldier to middle class consumer
[30 March 2006]
China's National Peoples Congress
focusses on social instability
[15 March 2006]
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