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Indian prime minister ignores opposition to Narmada dam extension
By Jake Skeers
21 June 2006
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Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and the Indian Supreme
Court have both refused to halt construction on raising the height
of the Sardar Sarovar (Narmada) dam from 110.64 to 121.92 metres,
despite clear evidence that the extension flouted resettlement
procedures and will leave tens of thousands of families homeless.
Singh has ignored an internal report by his own Group of Ministers
(GoM), who visited the affected areas and found that the Narmada
Control Authoritys (NCA) claims about the successful rehabilitation
and resettlement of affected families were largely paperwork.
His decision to go ahead is a measure of the powerful business
and political interests pushing for the dams construction.
Singh could have halted the project at any time since April
15 when the NCA Review Committee split over the issue, leaving
him with the deciding vote. But the prime minister has allowed
construction to continue pending a report by a three-member oversight
group expected in early July. By then, the 11-metre extension
is likely to be completed, threatening to inundate the homes and
land of at least 24,000 families during the approaching monsoon
season.
On May 5, the Supreme Court also rejected a petition by the
Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA), an organisation fighting for full
resettlement of those affected by the dam, and referred the decision
back to Singh. The NBA had called on the court to declare the
dam construction illegal.
According to official figures, 24,421 families in 177 villages
will be displaced when the dams height is increased to 121
metres. According to the NBA, at least 35,000 families will be
forced off their land.
The GoM internal report provided ample evidence for opposing
further construction. Under the Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal
Award, which established the terms for building and operating
the dam, its height cannot be increased until all those affected
are re-settled under the terms stipulated in the award.
The GoM document dated April 9, which was leaked to the Hindu,
was signed by Water Resources Minister Saifuddin Soz, Social Justice
and Empowerment Minister Meira Kumar, and Minister of State in
the Prime Ministers Office Prithviraj Chauhan. Just by visiting
nine rehabilitation sites in one day, the group found plenty of
evidence that claims made by the Madhya Pradesh state government
about rehabilitation are completely at odds with reality.
The state governments status reports indicated that 18,965
affected families were settled in four sites. However, the ministers
could see, at most 80 incomplete dwellings with no
amenities of life like drinking water, roads and electricity etc.
anywhere. Of the 407 families offered land at one site,
only two had accepted after residents were told they had to dig
down three metres to find cultivable soil. Similar conditions
existed at other sites.
The GoM verified previous complaints by dam oustees
that rehabilitation and resettlement were not in line with legal
rulings. The ministers also found that that the reports on which
the NCA granted permission for raising the heights had been
largely paperwork and had no relevance with the situation on the
ground.
The leaked GoM report confirmed much of what small farmers
and tribal villagers and groups opposed to the dam have been stating
for years. The NBAs petition to the Supreme Court argued
that not only had Madhya Pradesh authorities failed to resettle
those affected by the new dam height of 121 metres, but that families
displaced at lower heights of 98 and 110 metres were not resettled.
The Tribunal award states that ousted farmers should be offered
alternative fertile land, but in many instances, oustees have
been offered uncultivable land and then bullied into accepting
compensation or nothing at all. Not only was the compensation
insufficient to buy fertile land, but the Madhya Pradesh government
imposed an immediate 10 percent tax. Even then bribes were reportedly
required to obtain the compensation.
Few benefits for poor
Other claims by the NCA and state governments involvedGujarat,
Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Rajastanhave also proven
false. In Gujarat, where the dam wall is located, the government
has attacked critics of the dam as anti-development
and has repeatedly stated that the Narmada project will quench
the thirst of drought-prone areas such as Kutch and Saurashtra.
Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi declared in 2003 that for
every tribal displaced, seven other tribals will benefit.
Two years later, however, many people in those regions were
still waiting for water. The Comptroller and Auditor General report
for the period ending 31 March 2005 found that works, which promised
water from the Narmada project to 1,342 villages and towns in
Kutch, Jamnagar and Rajkot by 2002, had only brought water to
415 villages and towns.
The report further said that as a result of the delay
in the execution of the distribution works, the gross daily intake
from May 2003 to June 2005 was 145.17 million litres a day (just
29 percent) against the envisaged capacity utilisation of 500
million litres a day.
The 2004 Comptroller and Auditor General report found that
much of the water supplied was undrinkable. Referring to project
works in Saurashtra, it found that of the 1.51 million beneficiaries,
1.42 million (i.e. 94 percent) in 503 villages/towns were supplied
with raw water as there were no filtration arrangements at the
headworks, exposing them to the risk of contacting water-borne
diseases.
The Gujarat government also overstated the irrigation benefits
of the dam. When still at a height of 110 metres, officials claimed
that the dam would irrigate 500,000 hectares of land. According
to government figures, however, just 57,539 hectares are irrigated
from the dam. Not only do farmers lack the necessary infrastructure
to irrigate, but the available water is less than estimated by
the dams planners.
Similarly, the electricity output generated by the dam for
Madhya Pradesh in the 20 months to February 2006 averaged only
85 megawatts23 percent of the figure projected with a dam
height of 110 metres.
As has been the case in most large dam projects in India and
in other developing countries, the governments involved in the
project have exaggerated the benefits and understated the costs.
Officially, the cost up to February 2006 was 212 billion rupees
($US4.7 billion)hundreds of millions of dollars over budget
with several construction stages remaining. The project has consumed
over 80 percent of Gujarats irrigation budget for the past
15 years.
There will, however, be benefits for those who can afford to
pay. While the governments involved will foot the huge construction
bill, private corporations and agribusinesses will reap the profits
in the form of cheap electricity and water. Most of the water
allocated to Gujarat is being directed toward the states
central areas where it will be sold for use on cash crops, in
industry or in major cities such as Ahmedabad or Vadodara.
The Business Standard reported in 2004 that the Sardar
Sarovar Nigam Ltd (SSNL), the dam construction authority, was
seeking private partners to develop businesses to use the water
on land in the Kavadia region near the dam site. To make
the investment viable, the managing director of the SSNL,
SK Mohapatra, told the newspaper, the Nigam has worked out
11 packages to be proposed in the first phase of the project.
This includes water parks, hotels, golf courses, a botanical garden
with cottages and camping facilities, theme parks with cottages
and trekking facilities, cottages near wildlife reserves, boating
decks, a restaurant and visitor centres.
A properly planned dam across the Narmada river system had
the potential to enhance the living standards of millions of people
living in the area who lack electricity and water for domestic
purposes and farming. Prior to the dams construction the
rivers water flow varied widely with the seasons and most
of it emptied into the Arabian Sea.
Inevitably, under the profit system, however, the Sardar Sarovar
dam was not planned to assist the majority of ordinary Indians.
Rather, it has been as a mechanism to strip away the property
and livelihood of tens of thousands of Indias poorest villagers
largely for the benefit of construction firms, water intensive
industries and large irrigation farmers.
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