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National strike by miners, steelworkers reveals class tensions
in Mexico
By Rafael Azul
7 March 2006
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Last week, more than a quarter-million miners and steelworkers
walked off their jobs in one of the largest industrial strikes
in Mexico in three decades. Between March 1 and March 3, hundreds
of mines and mills across the country were affected by the national
strike called by the 270,000-member National Mine and Metal Workers
Union (STNMM).
The action began with wildcat strikes by miners on February
28 at a series of copper and zinc mines owned by Grupo Mexico,
sparked in large measure by companys callous disregard for
safety that resulted in the death of 65 miners in a February 19
explosion at the Pasta de Conchos mine in Coahuila, near the border
with the US state of Texas.
The walkouts followed the decision of the government to end
its rescue and recovery efforts at the mine. Fueling the anger
of the miners was the callous indifference of President Vicente
Foxs administration and the conviction that the government
would do nothing to seriously investigate the causes of the mine
disaster, let alone end the deadly and oppressive working conditions
miners face.
In an effort to contain this explosion, the STNMM called for
a national work stoppage on March 1. In addition to protesting
the miners deathswhich union president Napoleon Gomez
Urrutia called industrial homicidethe STNMM
leadership called the strike to oppose the Labor Ministrys
decision on February 28 to remove Gomez and replace him with union
dissident Elias Morales Hernandez.
Gomez is a fixture in the corrupt Mexican labor bureaucracy
who inherited his position from his father and is a prominent
figure in the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, which
ruled the country for 70 years until Foxs 2000 election.
Although Gomez has long collaborated with the corporate bosses
and suppressed rank-and-file workers, the Fox administration is
concerned that he is losing his grip over his members, who have
been involved in a series of recent struggles. Moreover, the SNTMM
has opposed some of Foxs initiatives to reform the long-standing
corporatist relations between the employers, the government and
the unions that have been used to suppress the class struggle
while providing the labor bureaucracy with lucrative careers.
The widespread response to the unions call for a national
strike is not an indication of any support for Gomeza millionaire
and Harvard-trained economist with no serious connections to rank-and-file
miners and steelworkersbut an indication of the explosive
character of class tensions in Mexico.
This was the first national strike by miners since a strike
over union recognition and wages in 1944 that was part of a broad
labor offensive that included strikes by communication workers
and oil workers.
Last weeks protest strike shut down mines across Mexico
that produce coal, copper, silver, zinc and other minerals. It
also shut down the Altos Hornos and Mittal steel mills; the latter
Dutch-owned company is Mexicos largest steel producer.
Virtually every union miner across Mexico participated in the
walkout. News of the strike caused a rise in the world price of
silverMexico produces 15 percent of the worlds silver.
The 70 mines paralyzed by the strike lost US$17 million on Thursday,
and the steel mills lost US$10 million.
Thousands of workers stayed out on March 2, including the Sonoran
copper miners at the sprawling Cananea and La Caridad mines near
the border with the US state of Arizona.
The tragedy at the Pasta de Conchos mine revealed the level
of exploitation that exists in the Mexican mining industry, where
tens of thousands of coal miners risk their lives and health every
day for near-starvation wages. Earning as little as US$7 a day,
miners are working under unsafe and unsanitary conditions and
using outdated equipment and monitoring devices that are in many
cases deliberately sabotaged by management to prevent the interruption
of coal production.
Pasta de Conchos also shed light on the corporatist arrangements
between mine owners, government inspectors and union officials,
which exist at the expense of miners. The unions collaboration
became clear when the relatives of the trapped miners at Pasta
de Conchos began to criticize STNMM President Gomez for letting
a week go by without visiting the mine.
When he finally arrived, relatives called him a rat
and chased him into the mining companys offices. Gomez would
not explain why the union had not moved to close the mine two
weeks before the blast, when an inspectors report detailed
safety violations at the mine, including high levels of explosive
methane gas.
The governments heavy-handed efforts to remove Gomez
behind the backs of the union membership and replace him with
rival bureaucrat Elias Morales only angered the miners further.
The Labor Secretariat justified its undemocratic intervention
by claiming that Morales had been the real winner in union elections
in 2002, reversing the Ministrys previous decision that
recognized Gomez as the leader.
While the miners protests and last weeks national
strike were sparked by the industrial murder of the 65 Coajuila
miners, the motive force behind the walkout is the fundamental
transformation of industrial and social relations over the last
two decades.
Driven by the debt crisis of the 1980s and 1990s, the bulk
of Mexicos mineral wealthwhich had been state-owned
before 1982has been privatized. Pressured by the US and
the International Monetary Fund to balance its budget through
the sale of state-owned assets, Mexicos mines, steel mills
and other industries were sold of at very favorable terms to the
buyers.
Hand in hand with the sale of state-owned firms, so-called
labor reforms were instituted that facilitated an all-out assault
on wages. Hammered by a dramatic increase in unemployment, real
wages for unskilled workers have steadily fallen over the last
two decades while wages for skilled workers have remained stagnant.
According to a study conducted by Mexicos Universidad
Obrera (Labor University), construction industry wages lost
28 percent of their purchasing power between 1988 and 1994 and
33.31 percent between 1994 and 2000. In manufacturing, after increasing
40 percent between 1988 and 1994, real wages fell by 17 percent
between 1994 and 2000.
While labor productivity grew by more than 43 percent between
1990 and 2000, the average wage only increased from US$1.45 to
US$1.80. By the end of the 1990s, Mexican per-unit labor costs
were among the lowest in the world.
Since the year 2000, this process has been aggravated by increasing
levels of unemployment, as low-wage export-oriented factoriesthe
so-called maquiladorashave moved many of their operations
to China, placing a further downward pressure on wages. Since
2000, only 1 million jobs have been created, while the labor force
grew by 6 million workers.
Statistics for 2003 indicate that the decay of purchasing power
continues. Nearly half of all Mexicans in that year lived below
the poverty line, and 17 percent lived in extreme poverty. The
situation would be worse if it werent for the dollars sent
by Mexican emigrants in the United States and Canada.
A 2004 joint study by Universidad Obrera and Mexicos
prestigious Autonomous University determined that to live modestly,
an average Mexican family needed to work more than 29 hours a
day. This is up from 25 hours and 13 minutes in 1997 and 8 hours
and 36 minutes in 1987. The study also indicates that in 2004,
an average Mexican family would need to spend 94 percent of its
take-home pay for food and rent, leaving 6 percent for everything
else.
Falling real wages, growing unemployment and staggering levels
of social inequality are what characterize Mexican society today.
These are the conditions that lay behind the massive strike that
shut down the countrys mines and steel mills last week.
See Also:
After deadly blast, Mexican miners launch
strikes to demand safe conditions
[2 March 2006]
Mexican government suspends
search for trapped coal miners
[27 February 2006]
Mexico: miners trapped after
explosion
[22 February 2006]
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