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Lanka
SEP public lecture in Colombo: new SLFP-UNP coalition to expand
civil war
By our correspondent
28 November 2006
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The Socialist Equality Party (SEP) held a public lecture in
Colombo on November 14 to discuss the political implications for
the working class of the unprecedented coalition between the two
major establishment partiesthe ruling Sri Lanka Freedom
Party (SLFP) and the opposition United National Party (UNP)and
the escalating civil war in Sri Lanka.
More than 100 people attended despite torrential rain and tough
security measures imposed by the government following the killing
of Tamil parliamentarian Nadaraja Raviraj on November 10. The
audience included workers, youth, students, intellectuals and
housewivesboth Sinhalese and Tamil. The lecture was delivered
in Sinhala and translated into Tamil.
In his opening remarks, the meeting chairman K. Ratnayake,
a member of the SEP political committee, said the SLFP-UNP was
a sign of serious political crisis produced by the return to civil
war.
Since coming to power last November, President Mahinda
Rajapakse, for all his posturing as a man of peace,
has violated every tenet of the 2002 ceasefire agreement signed
with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by launching
a series of military offensives, he said.
The UNP and SLFP, which have been bitter rivals for over
50 years, have now joined forces to prosecute this war and to
impose the corporate agenda of market reforms. Inevitably it will
be working peopleSinhalese, Tamil and Muslimwho will
be forced to bear the brunt of these reforms that benefit the
wealthy few.
The main speaker, SEP general secretary Wije Dias, who is a
member of the WSWS International Editorial Board, began by reminding
the audience of the terrible consequences of one year of President
Rajapakses rulea rising toll of misery from the war,
deteriorating living standards and a renewed onslaught on the
basic democratic rights of working people.
Since last December, Dias explained: More than 3,500
men, women and children have been killed and over 200,000 have
become refugees in temporary camps that lack basic sanitary conditions.
Nearly 600,000 Tamils on the northern Jaffna peninsula are under
military siege and face acute food shortages. Several thousand
people have risked their lives to flee in small boats to Tamil
Nadu in southern India.
Dias stressed that these combined figures meant that during
the past 11 months alone more than 10 percent of the total population
in the north and east provinces had been affected by the war.
The lecturer explained that a myth was being cultivated that
the SLFP-UNP coalition would end the war, citing economic analyst
Dinesh Weerakkody who wrote in the local Financial Times:
There is hope for this agreement to succeed because the
continuing deterioration of the economy has necessitated it, and
it seems we are fast heading for disaster in the north and east.
Dias pointed out that the UNP had not opposed Rajapakses
return to war over the past year. The UNP was the party that began
the war in 1983 and its turn to peace talks with the LTTE in 2002
reflected the needs of the business elite in Colombo.
The peace talks arranged between the UNP government and
the LTTE under the sponsorship of the major powers was never organised
out of concern for the plight of ordinary people facing the devastation
of the war. It was only a mechanism to pressurise the LTTE to
submit to the dictates of the Colombo government and stabilise
the capitalist rule on the island to fatten their profits. In
the global war on terrorism declared by the Bush administration,
they saw a welcome opportunity to pursue this agenda, he
said.
Rajapakse assumed the presidency last year, with the support
of the chauvinist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and Jathika
Hela Urumaya (JHU). He allowed the military to conduct a provocative
covert war against the LTTE, and then ordered open military offensives
against the LTTE in July. The political and media establishment
in Colombo embraced this policy of war, hoping for an easy victory
after the security forces gained a few initial successes.
Dias cited the Sunday Times, which previously backed
the peace process. In a major article entitled Microscope
on Mahinda Era, the newspaper insisted that the military
offensives against the LTTE must be commended. It
continued: Colombo has to take a lot of flak from the international
and donor community, not because it is responsible for these events
but because the Rajapakse government seems strangely inept at
prosecuting the propaganda war against the Tigers. Offering
his advice, the columnist declared: Countering this would
require pressuring the Tigers diplomatically as well as militarily.
The speaker traced the various efforts made by the major powers
in the past to urge a grand alliance of the two parties for a
negotiated end to the war, beginning with those of British Foreign
Secretary Liam Fox in 1997. No peace settlement was reached but
successive governments imposed the economic restructuring agenda
demanded by foreign investors leading to a deepening social crisis
for working people. Mired in Sinhala supremacism, the SLFP and
UNP had only one response: to whip up anti-Tamil chauvinism to
divide the working class. Far from being a sign of peace, the
new coalition represented a shift toward an intensification of
the war.
Dias quoted from a Federation of Chambers of Commerce of Sri
Lanka statement, which declared: Partisan politics and the
power play between the major parties have forced successive leaders
to ignore unpopular, yet critical, reforms. He said the
reforms demanded by international and local investors
would inevitably place further burdens on the working people.
Dias also warned of the governments increasingly anti-democratic
measures. Rajapakse, with the tacit approval of the UNP,
has already begun to blatantly violate the constitution and the
international human rights agreements that Sri Lanka has signed.
The government had failed to establish independent police and
electoral commissions as required under the 17th amendment of
the constitution. It had in effect imposed press censorship on
the militarys operations and threatened action against artists
and filmmakers whose works were antiwar.
The speaker traced out the history of the two parties. The
SLFP was founded in 1951 in a calculated move by its leader S.W.R.D.
Bandaranaike to derail and disorientate mass working class opposition
to the UNP. Bandaranaike combined Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism
with socialist demagogy and positioned his party as an alternative
to the right-wing UNP. The SLFPs program was never socialist,
but was based on national economic regulation, which had been
undermined by the globalisation of production of the past two
decades.
There had been no essential programmatic difference between
the two parties for some time. Now the ruling elite has
decided to end the luxury of having two bourgeois parties and
to join forces to wage class war against the working people and
youth of all communities, Sinhala, Tamil and Muslims. This is
a sign, not of their strength, but of their weakness in the face
of the utter alienation of the urban as well as the rural masses
from both parties, Dias said.
Both Rajapakse and Wickremasinghe have placed their bets
on the support of the Bush administration to help carry forward
their common war policy and the attacks on the social and democratic
rights of working people throughout the island. But, at the recently
held mid-term elections in US, the American working class and
youth have delivered an unmistakable blow against the Bush administrations
aggressive colonialism and anti-democratic attacks at home.
What the working class in US, Sri Lanka and all around
the world require to achieve their aspirations for democracy and
social equality is an international socialist perspective to replace
the global capitalist system with a world socialist federation.
Our fight for a Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka and Eelam is an
integral part of this world perspective on which the International
Committee of the Fourth International and the World Socialist
Web Site is based, Dias said.
The lecture was followed by questions and answers and an appeal
for support for the campaign being waged by the SEP and the WSWS
to demand Sri Lankan authorities catch and punish the killers
of SEP supporter Sivapragasam Mariyadas. He was shot dead at his
home in the eastern rural town of Mullipothana on August 7. The
most likely suspects are the security forces or associated Tamil
paramilitaries. Many of those at the lecture signed the SEPs
petition.
In response to a question on the SEPs policies to end
the war, Dias explained: More than anything else the program
to solve the problem must be a viable one. The tragic experiences
of the post-war system of nation-states established in South Asia
and in the Indian sub-continent in particular show indisputably
the impossibility of realising democratic freedom through the
establishment and maintenance of large or small capitalist nation
states. This vindicates the historical validity of our program,
first elaborated by the Trotskyist BLPI (Bolshevik-Leninist Party
of India) in the 1940s, for a socialist republic of the Indian
sub-continent, including Sri Lanka and Burma.
This is why we oppose the LTTEs program of national
separatism. Our political fight is for the unity of the Sinhala,
Tamil and Muslim working people and the poor to engage in an independent
struggle against capitalist rule and for the establishment of
a workers and peasant government. The immediate first step on
this path must be the demand by the working class for the unconditional
withdrawal of Sri Lankan military from the north and east,
he said.
Following the formal end to the meeting, there was animated
discussion with SEP members. Prasanna, a young man from the port
city of Trincomalee in the east, was born only a year after the
war started in 1983. He told the WSWS why he had attended the
meeting.
For my whole life I have been through the destruction
brought about by war. What we want most is an end to this war,
a decent job and the low cost of living. But all the left parties
are doing nothing. We thought that this SLFP-UNP alliance would
stop the war. But the topic of your lecture conveys a different
idea. It was a shock to me and inspired me to participate in this
lecture. Furthermore, the name of your party means social equality.
I hate all the old left parties, including the JVP, that raise
no voice against social conditions and war. I am searching for
a new party.
An administrative officer explained: As a reader of the
WSWS, I know that the SEP is always looking at the political issues
from the standpoint of the working class. I know that the joining
of the SLFP and UNP is unprecedented. Although I sense the move
to be dangerous, I didnt have a concrete idea about this
danger. There is no other organisation that is able to present
a concrete and scientific analysis like the SEP. That is why I
came along with another of my staff mates.
See Also:
UN envoy accuses Sri Lankan military of
helping recruit child soldiers
[20 November 2006]
A sign of political crisis: coalition
of Sri Lankan parties formed
[3 November 2006]
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