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Support the struggle of Volkswagen workers in Brussels!
Set up defense committees independently of the works council
and trade unions!
Statement by the Editorial Board
25 November 2006
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The strike by Volkswagen workers in Brussels makes clear the
urgency of organizing a joint struggle by workers at all VW locations
and plants.
The decision by VW management to withdraw production of the
Golf model from its factory in Brussels and shift production to
its German factories at Wolfsburg and Mosel in Saxony is part
of the historic savings program announced at the beginning
of the year. The program involves drastic rationalization measures
in the form of substantial job and wage cuts, combined with worsened
working conditions for all VW factories throughout Europe.
One site is being played off against another and workers blackmailed
into accepting these attacks. Many workers are aware of this fact
and see the necessity of a common, internationally coordinated
struggle by all employees as the prerequisite for any successful
defense of jobs. The international strategy pursued by the company
management must be matched by an international strategy of resistance.
The problem is that the trade unions and the works councils
hold the opposite point of view. They are collaborating intimately
with the executive and are the main instrument for implementing
management policies at the expense of the workforce. This role
played by the work councils and the trade union bureaucracy has
been especially evident in the case of this latest move by Volkswagen.
The prerequisite for the transfer of the production of the
Golf model to Wolfsburg and Mosel was the new contract agreed
by the unions for VWs German factories, which involved wage
cuts and increased forms of flexibility in the workplace. The
four-day week, consisting of a 28.8-hour working week, first introduced
in 1993, was abolished. Following the new contract, which became
operative at the beginning of November, the regular working week
increased to 33 hours for production workers and 34 hours for
administrative personnel. The agreement involved a flexible working
week of 25 to 33 hours for production workers, and 26 to 34 hours
for other employees. Wages were fixed at the old rate for 28.8
hours per week.
The statement by some works council members in Wolfsburg that
the agreed contract is completely independent from the planned
transfer of production of the Golf model is a lie. The same works
council members have on several occasions raised the demand that
capacity at German sites be increasedwith their eye on production
of the Golfand made their agreeing to wage cuts dependent
on such a decision by management. Now the same individuals from
the works council and the main engineering and industrial union
IG Metall have the nerve to send fulsome solidarity greetings
to the striking Volkswagen workers in Brussels. The cynicism of
these people is only exceeded by their corruption.
In order to liberate themselves from the straitjacket and patronage
of the works councils and mount a principled defense of all jobs
at all VW plants, workers must build independent committees that
establish close and direct connection between the workforces at
different plants in different countries. The existing works councils
operating at a European and international level are strictly opposed
to such an initiative. They describe themselves as co-managers
and are part of the company conspiracy against the workforce.
The World Socialist Web Site offers its active support
to lead workers in the struggle for a principled defense of all
jobs at all locations. It is ready to assist in establishing contact
with workers in other workplaces threatened by dismissals and
welfare cuts.
Outrage over the enormous corruption of many works councils
and trade union functionaries is understandable, but insufficient.
They must be stopped in their tracks and their influence broken.
To this end, it is necessary to make a sober and detailed assessment
of the latest developments in Wolfsburg. The facts make clear
that the works council is quite literally in the pocket of the
employers. They have not the slightest right to speak on behalf
of the workforce or give their seal of approval to contracts.
Lessons from Wolfsburg
Three items of news from Wolfsburg have hit the headlines during
recent weeks:
On November 7, VW chief executive Bernd Pischetsrieder announced
his premature resignation at the end of this year. His job will
be taken over by the current head of Audi Motors, Martin Winterkorn.
On November 16, the public prosecutors office in Braunschweig
brought charges against the former head of the Volkswagen personnel
executive committee, Peter Hartz, for breach of trust in 44 cases.
Hartz had resigned his post at the end of last year and had already
retired, when it was revealed that within the space of just two
years 780,000 euros had been awarded in the form of unregistered
expenses for work council members. The money was spent for such
things as trips to brothels during paid luxury holidays.
On November 21, the same public prosecutors office arrested
the former Volkswagen works council boss Klaus Volkert on charges
of danger of obstructing justice. According to press
reports, Volkert had tried to obstruct investigations being carried
out against him and manipulate witnesses.
All three news items are closely related. The substitution
of Winterkorn for Pischetsrieder represented a coup for Ferdinand
Piech in the VW management executive. The Austrian multimillionaire
is a grandson of Ferdinand Porsche, who developed the legendary
Volkswagen Beetle for the head of state at that time, Adolf Hitler.
As joint owner of the Porsche enterprise, Piech also has a considerable
share of the stock in VW.
When Piech took over the VW executive in 1993, he enjoyed close
links with the prime minister of the state of Lower Saxony and
later German chancellor, Gerhard Schröder of the Social Democratic
Party. Piech also had the support of the IG Metall trade union.
Two characteristics stood out in the period during which Piech
headed VW. On the one hand, he sought to broaden the base of Volkswagen,
which had traditionally produced low and mid-price models, through
the production of luxury class vehicles. He bought up such brands
as Bentley, Bugatti and Lamborghini and developed the luxury sedan
Phaeton, building a glass-walled factory in the center of Dresden
for the production of these models.
Secondly, Piech, in co-operation with the personnel department
headed by Peter Hartz and the works council, was able to implement
substantial wage cuts. In 1993, he announced the axing of 30,000
jobs, following a drastic slump in demand. His response was the
introduction of the four-day week based on an average 28.8 hours.
The measure involved substantial wage cuts for workers, but was
praised by the trade unions as the only way to avoid compulsory
redundancies.
The companys foray into the luxury car market turned
out to be a disaster, costing VW billions. Piech came under pressure
and switched to the post of chairman of the supervisory board.
His deputy was the current chairman of the IG Metall trade union,
Jürgen Peters, who sits on the VW supervisory board together
with the new works council chairman Bernd Osterloh and eight additional
works council members.
For Bernd Pischetsrieder the so-called System VW,
involving collaboration between the executive committee, works
council and trade unions, was merely a burdensome additional cost
factor. Piechs company strategy on the other hand is bound
up with close co-operation with his so-called social partners
in implementing further drastic attacks on the jobs, wages and
the working conditions of VW workers.
Against this background, details have emerged of the full extent
of the corrupt practices of the works council. In one year, 2002,
Klaus Volkert received a total of 693,000 eurosin the form
of regular salary, extra pay and special bonuses. That sum corresponds
to a monthly income of 57,750 euros. In addition, he received
expenses and travel costs. Every three months VW transferred the
sum of 23,000 euros into the account of Volkerts Brazilian
mistress.
Anyone who claims that what is at stake is merely a regrettable
individual case has overlooked the fact that the public prosecutors
office is currently undertaking investigations into no less than
ten Volkswagen works council members. Comments by Jürgen
Peters, who has sought to play down the affair with the remark
that the allowances for Volkert were high but not unusual, only
rubs salt into the wound and makes abundantly clear that the affair
is not restricted to an individual case.
Such corruption is an inseparable component of the German system
of trade union-management co-determination and social
partnership. In the past, works council members sat on the supervisory
boards of many big German companies and enjoyed extensive privileges.
In the 1970s and at the beginning of the 1980s they were still
in a position to negotiate compromises and partial improvements
for employees. But now the situation has been completely transformed
by the globalization of production.
Under the pressure of global competition and the ever-present
threat to shift production to low-wage and low-tax countries,
the response of works councils and the trade unions has been to
take up the defense of their own location and factory
by ensuring increased profits for their own company. They have
been fully transformed into an arm of management, securing extravagant
remuneration for their services. The same development can be witnessed
in trade unions all over the world.
The principled defense of jobs demands a political break with
the conceptions of social partnership and co-determination. It
is necessary to adopt a completely different perspective, which
proceeds from the international character of modern production
and the common interests of all workers worldwide. Such a perspective
is bound up with a socialist transformation of society, where
the social interests of the population as a whole have priority
over the profit interests of big business and the banks.
The building of defense committees against mass redundancies
and welfare cuts must be bound up with a discussion of such a
socialist and internationalist perspective. This provides the
only alternative to the cowardly and bankrupt arguments of the
union bureaucracy, which remain completely within the framework
of capitalism.
We call upon all those who support the struggle of the Volkswagen
workers in Brussels or wish to take part in the construction of
defense committees in other enterprises to make contact with the
World Socialist Web Site Editorial Board and discuss these
essential issues.
See Also:
Belgian Volkswagen factory occupied
"It is high time to wake up and become political"
[25 November 2006]
Strike and occupation at Volkswagen works
in Belgium
[23 November 2006]
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