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WSWS : News
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Military-backed regime in Bangladesh postpones elections for
18 months
By Wimal Perera and Sarath Kumara
17 April 2007
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In what can only be interpreted as a step toward a military
dictatorship, the caretaker government in Bangladesh announced
on April 5 that national and local elections would be postponed
for at least 18 months until the end of 2008. The decision, which
obviously breaches the countrys constitution, puts an unelected
regime and its military backers in charge for an indefinite period.
President Iajuddin Ahmed installed the caretaker government
on January 11 to defuse a deep political crisis provoked by weeks
of mass protests by the opposition Awami League (AL) and its allies
against the alleged rigging of elections due on January 22. The
president stood aside as head of the previous caretaker government,
installed former Central Bank chief Fakhruddin Ahmed in his place
and imposed a state of emergency.
Constitutionally, a poll should have been held within 90 days
of the previous Bangladesh National Party (BNP)-led government
stepping aside last October after the end of its five-year term.
Now the caretaker regime has assumed power in its own right, with
Fakhruddin Ahmed and eight advisors supervising all ministries
and government functions.
In a televised address on April 12, Fakhruddin Ahmed said he
had firm faith that an election would be possible
before the end of 2008. He declared the priorities to be election
reforms, combating corruption, the depoliticisation of the administration,
the independence of the judiciary and other issues relating to
the national economy.
Appealing to the widespread popular disgust with the major
parties, Ahmed declared: Our mission is clearwe want
to quickly bring the corrupt, abusers of power and other hardened
offenders to justice under the law of the land so that the society,
the country and the people get rid of their black claws.
This anti-corruption drive is the pretext for the security forces,
which have extensive powers under the continuing state of emergency,
to suppress political opposition.
The army, which is assuming a prominent political role, strongly
backed the decision to postpone elections. Army chief, Lieutenant
General Moeen Uddin Ahmed told a conference of the International
Political Science Association in Dhaka on April 2 that the interim
government would build a new brand of democracy to overcome
the countrys chronic poor governance.
We do not want to go back to an elective democracy
where corruption becomes all pervasive, governance suffers in
terms of insecurity and violation of rights, and where political
criminalisation threatens the very survival and integrity of the
state, the general declared. In an appeal to business, he
declared that poor governance was responsible for holding the
country back economically.
Commenting on the speech, an editorial in the Daily Star
concluded: [T]he army chief General Moeen Uddin Ahmed has
confirmed that he is actually calling the shots as the real power
behind the government. The caretaker government includes
two retired major generals and a former police chief. The election
commission (EC) includes a military officer for the first timeretired
Brigadier General M. Sakhawat. The chairman of the powerful anti-corruption
commission is a retired army chief, Lieutenant General Hasan Mashhud
Chowdhury.
In the guise of ending corruption, the regime has cracked down
on political parties. BNP leader Khaleda Zia has been put under
virtual house arrest. On April 11, police filed murder charges
against Awami League leader Sheikh Hasina Wajed over the killing
of four people who were beaten to death during political violence
in Dhaka last October. Hasina, who was visiting relatives in the
US, vehemently denied the allegations.
The military has detained more than 160 political leaders,
businessmen and former officials since January. These include
former BNP minister Mirza Abbas and ex-Awami League minister,
Mosharraf Hossain. Khaledas son and joint BNP secretary
general, Tareque Rahman, is facing several charges, including
extorting $US147,000 from a construction company.
Certainly, corruption is endemic in Bangladesh. Transparency
International last year rated Bangladesh as the most corrupt state
in the world for the fifth consecutive year. The caretaker governments
concern, however, is not for the plight of the ordinary people,
but rather to appeal to foreign investors who regard institutionalised
corruption as a barrier to profits.
The regime has carried out sweeping repressive measures. As
of early April, the security forces have rounded up more than
100,000 people, many of whom are being held without charge. Over
60,000 soldiers and policemen with special powers have been deployed
for the task. According to the human rights organisation Odhikar,
about 50 people have died in detention between January 12 and
March 12.
Under the state of emergency, the rights to appeal for bail
and seek redress from a higher court have been suspended. After
January 11, all outdoor political eventsincluding public
rallies, street protests, roadblocks and strikeswere banned.
On March 11, the government banned indoor political events as
well. On March 15, it ordered the closure of seven private TV
channels, declaring they had not obtained certificates to uplink,
downlink or receive programs from abroad.
The government is also expected to promulgate its Anti-Terrorism
Ordinance 2007. Already in draft form, this ordinance sweepingly
defines terrorist acts to include threats to the sovereignty,
unity, integrity or security of Bangladesh as well as damaging
public or private property and hindering the supply of materials
essential for peoples life. Penalties can include life imprisonment
and the death sentence.
No section of the ruling elitethe judiciary, the media
or the major partieshas seriously challenged the postponement
of elections or the regimes anti-democratic methods. The
country was under a military dictatorship throughout the 1980s
until the army was compelled by mass discontent to call elections.
The Awami League and the BNP have alternated in power for the
past 17 years. For all their bitter rivalry, both parties have
imposed a pro-business program that has generated deepening social
inequality and widespread alienation.
Neither the BNP nor the Awami League is prepared to mobilise
the masses against the military-backed regime, fearing such a
movement would spiral out of control. Both parties have in effect
accepted the postponement of elections. Awami League general secretary
Abdul Jalil declared that his party welcomes this timeframe.
He simply called for an end to the ban on political activities,
to enable discussion with the election commission on the reforms
and other poll-related issues.
The main target of the regimes anti-democratic measures
is the working class and the poor. Last May, thousands of garment
workers protested against poor pay and working conditions and
were brutally suppressed by security forces. During the demonstrations,
150 factories were ransacked and scores of vehicles were damaged.
The garment industry is the countrys main export earner.
The military-backed government is preparing to accelerate market
reforms. All services at the port of Chittagong, which handles
80 percent of the countrys foreign trade, are listed to
be privatised. The Rupali Bankthe countrys biggest
state bankis also to be sold off. Agreements have been signed
with the Asian Development Bank and World Bank to privatise the
countrys railway system.
Not surprisingly, business leaders and foreign investors have
in effect backed the new anti-democratic regime. Western governments
have issued muted criticisms and appealed for elections as soon
as possible, but there have been no strident denunciations. Democratic
rights only become an issue when a regime becomes an obstacle
to the vital strategic and economic interests of the major powers.
See Also:
Bangladeshi president postpones
election and imposes state of emergency
[15 January 2007]
Bangladesh convulsed
by protests over coming election
[16 November 2006]
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