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Further lurch to the right in French election campaign
By Peter Schwarz in Paris
18 April 2007
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One week before the first round of voting on April 22, the
leading candidates in the French presidential election have moved
further to the right.
In the camp of the Socialist Party (SP) and the right-wing,
free market Union for French Democracy (UDF), described by French
media as centrist, calls for a vote utile,
a useful vote, are getting louder. This refers to a vote for purely
tactical purposes rather than on the basis of agreement with a
political program. Voters are being called upon to vote for Ségolène
Royal (the candidate of the Socialist Party) or François
Bayrou (UDF), in order to prevent a victory for the Gaullist Nicolas
Sarkozy or the extreme right-winger Jean-Marie Le Pen.
The candidates do their best to avoid the impression that they
are advocating this policy. On Sunday Royal declared: It
is true that there might be a defensive vote. But I want the main
body of votes to be given on the basis of support. It is
becoming apparent, however, that Royal is unable to mobilise large
numbers of voters with her right-wing program and increasingly
is hoping for tactical votes.
The discussion over a vote utile was stimulated last
weekend by a contribution in the newspaper Le Monde by
Michel Rocard the former SP head of government. Rocard suggested
that Royal and the UDF candidate Bayrou should agree to an alliance
even prior to the first round of voting.
He argued that when isolated, neither it [the UDF] nor
we would have a chance of beating the coalition of Nicolas Sarkozy
and Jean-Marie Le Pen. Rocard added that there is no longer
anything of substance to differentiate the socialists and
the centrists with respect to the urgent questions in France today.
We share the same values.
On first impression, there seems to be little sense in the
alliance proposed by Rocard. Each voter can only vote for one
of the twelve candidates and must decide between Royal or Bayrou,
even if the pair choose to strike a pact, and Rocard does not
call upon either of the candidates to stand down.
What he has in mind is a sort of non-aggression pact between
the two candidates and a mutual obligation to support whichever
candidate makes it into the second round. A campaign in
the first round inevitably involves aggression and injuries, which
can endanger a mutual agreement in the second round, he
said in justifying such a pact.
Even if Rocard does not openly say so, it is clear that his
proposal means he has jettisoned any hope of an election victory
for Royal. His proposal for a pact amounts to electoral support
for Bayrou, who is currently trailing Royal in the polls, but
is reckoned to have a better chance than Royal in the final round
against Sarkozy, since he has part of the present government camp
behind him. Since its foundation in 1978 by Valéry Giscard
dEstaing, the UDF has always belonged to the right-wing
bourgeois political camp. For the past five years it has supported
the Gaullist government.
Bayrou congratulated himself on Rocards suggestion
and said he was very interested. Nevertheless he turned
down the offer. He fears for his conservative constituency, should
he get involved in a one-sided alliance with the Socialist Party.
He has placed the issue of reconciliation between right and left
at the centre of his election campaign and intends, should he
be elected president, to form a government incorporating both
the Socialist Party and the Gaullists.
Bayrou assessed Rocards proposal as confirmation of the
latters agreement with his own vision of overcoming
traditional barriers and the readiness of prominent socialists
to construct a grand coalition of parties. One can see today
that such responsible persons are available, also within the Socialist
Party, despite the blockade imposed by the apparatus and despite
the fact that Ségolène Royal, [the chairman of the
party] François Hollande and a few others have obviously
said no.
Royal rejected Rocards proposal and announced she would
only speak with Bayrou over a possible alliance between the two
ballots when the candidates for the second round have been determined.
Among the partys ranks, Rocard was accused of delivering
Royals campaign a stab in the back with his suggestion.
It soon became clear, however, that Rocard is not alone in this
respect.
The first to publicly support Rocards proposal was Bernard
Kouchner. Kouchner is the founder of the relief organization Médecins
sans Frontières and has held ministerial posts on two
occasions in Socialist Party-led governments. The faction around
the former Minister of Finance Dominique Strauss-Kahn is also
alleged to agree with Rocards suggestion, although it has
not publicly commented on it.
The Spanish Socialist Party leader and prime minister José
Zapatero has intervened to undermine Royals election campaign
in an even more blatant manner than Rocard and Kouchner. He announced
he felt great empathy for Ségolène Royal
and would speak at one of her election meetings in Toulouse on
April 19, only then to go heaping praise on her main rival Nicolas
Sarkozy.
Zapatero expressed his respect and admiration
for the Gaullist candidate. He is a man with recognized
political abilities, firm convictions and self-confident stamina,
Zapatero continued. I have had important links to him as
Interior Minister and now as a candidate. Nicolas Sarkozy always
had an open and positive attitude towards Spain and helped to
strengthen the relationship between our two countries. Their
co-operation was particularly fruitful in the anti-terror
struggle against the Basque separatist movement, ETA, Zapatero
added.
The right-wing policy of Royal and the proposals for an alliance
with Bayrou from within their own camp serve to strengthen Sarkozy
and Le Pen. The lurch to the right by the Socialist Party, which
is shifting even further away from its traditional layers of support,
allows Sarkozy and Le Pen to mobilize the most reactionary layers
of society.
So far, Sarkozy and Le Pen have determined the topics of the
election. Themes such as authority, law and order, security, national
identity, patriotism, immigration and all the other topics favoured
by the extreme right have dominated all the campaigns. Largely
excluded from discussion are all the issues which affect the lives
of millions of votersunemployment, poverty, the destruction
of the countrys infrastructure and the social fabric, militarism
and the international missions undertaken by the French army.
In the past few days, both Sarkozy and Le Pen have adopted
an even more right-wing tone. On his election campaign tour in
southern France, where the National Front has its strongholds
of support, Sarkozy took up the slogans of the NF and appealed
directly to Le Pens voters. He conjured up the silent
majority and contrasted it to the political elite (to which
he belongs)to the France of hypocrisy, to the
France of single thought, to this small elite,
which arrogates the right to determine what is good and what is
bad.
At a press conference, Sarkozy defined the silent majority
as those who think one must speak about the identity of
France, who believe there is a problem with purchasing power,
who think one needs a new team, who voted no [to the European
referendum] and for Le Pen in 2002. I hope they will speak out
on Sunday.
For his part, Le Pen attacked Sarkozy at his election meetings
on the grounds of the latters Hungarian origins, insulting
him as a member of the political lumpen pack.
These forces are able to freely express their ultra-right nostrums
because they confront no serious opposition. They are utilising
the vacuum, left behind by the constant shift to the right of
the Socialist Party. This political trajectory, however, by no
means corresponds to the mood of broad social layers, which are
moving to the left.
See Also:
French presidential elections: Four in
ten voters undecided
[12 April 2007]
Wide popular interest, deep political
tensions dominate French presidential election
[2 April 2007]
Presidential elections in
France: The nationalism of the Workers Party
[31 March 2007]
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