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Australia:
Final votes counted in New South Wales election campaign
By Laura Tiernan
25 April 2007
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Vote-counting was finalised at Easter for the NSW state election
held March 24, showing the Socialist Equality Party received a
combined total of 1,201 votes across three lower house electorates
and 456 in the Legislative Council.
During a month-long campaign the SEP was the only party to
advance a socialist program against militarism and war, social
inequality and the growing attack on democratic rights.
While the overall vote for the SEP was small, the strength
of the partys campaign lay in its fight for the political
education of the working class and its demarcation from all forms
of opportunist politics. The SEP opposed attempts by the Greens,
Socialist Alliance and a variety of Independents to obstruct discussion
on the Iraq war and its far-reaching implications, and to channel
mass disaffection back into the two-party system on the basis
of claims that Labor constituted a lesser evil to
the Liberal-National coalition parties.
As a whole, the elections presented the workings of a finely
calibrated machineincluding state parliament, the NSW Electoral
Commission, the major parties and their numerous left
apologists, along with media editors, reporters and punditsaimed
at the exclusion from public life of the interests and concerns
of the working class.
As well as being subject to a near complete media blackout,
the SEP had to contend with a vast web of anti-democratic electoral
laws designed to block an independent challenge to the two-party
duopoly. These included an arbitrary requirement that parties
must have 750 members before they can register with the state
electoral commission. As a result, the SEPs candidates did
not appear on ballot papers under the party name. There is no
question that this affected the voting outcome, particularly in
the Legislative Council ballot. Here voters across NSW were denied
the opportunity of voting for the SEP unless they knew the candidates
names or the Group letter allocated to the party in the order-of-ballot
draw.
Additionally, state electoral laws meant the partys slate
of 15 upper house candidates was barred from appearing above
the line. This was because the SEP refused to allocate preferences
to any other electoral group. NSW Electoral Commission official
Terry Jessop spelt out the undemocratic implications of this regulatory
catch-22 as follows: If you run below the line, you will
get very few votes. In other words, the entire voting system
is designed to force parties to engage in opportunist horse-trading
over the distribution of preferences. If they do not, the price
paid for political independence is relegation to the most obscure
regions of a Legislative Council ballot paper, the size of a small
tablecloth or bath towel.
Party scrutineers who observed the ballot count at two local
booths on election night confirmed that due to the complexities
associated with below-the-line votes, the vast majority
were invalid.
In each of the three lower house electorates contested by the
SEP, disgust toward the major parties was overwhelming. This sentiment,
however, has yet to find an independent political expression.
Instead, within the framework of Australias compulsory voting
system, broad sections of the population sought to oppose the
pro-market agenda of the Iemma Labor government by voting for
independents and Green candidates, or else grudgingly for Labor,
simply to keep the Liberal-National coalition parties out.
The SEP received its largest vote875in Heffron.
Our candidate, James Cogan, stood in the same area as the partys
candidate in the 2004 federal elections, and, although the party
name was not on the ballot paper, he was known to many voters.
He was also opposed by just three other candidates, from Labor,
the Liberal Party and Greens.
Many of the votes for Cogan came from Erskineville and Alexandria,
home to a large number of university students and young professionals
and an area widely canvassed and letterboxed by party supporters
during the campaign. Significantly, he received the largest number
of votes in Eastlakes, a working class suburb where the SEP has
carried out political work for many years.
The SEP received fewer votes215in Marrickville
where its candidate, Patrick OConnor opposed eight
other candidates, including a well-publicised bid by the Greens
for a lower house seat. Here a definite chain of command was in
evidence: Socialist Alliance functioned as cheerleaders for the
Greens, and the Greens supported Labor. Both organisations promoted
illusions that Labor could be pressured at the ballot box, and
that it represented a lesser evil to the Liberals.
In line with this, the Greens concluded a preference deal with
Labors state executive, while Socialist Alliance allocated
first preferences to the Greens and second preferences to Labor.
The SEP was the only party that rejected any preference deals
and fought for an uncompromising position in relation to the great
political questions of the day. While Socialist Alliance and the
Greens suppressed discussion on the Iraq war, adapting themselves
to the parliamentary framework of local issues, the
SEP insisted that the eruption of US militarism was the pre-eminent
issue confronting the working class. The workers and young people
who voted for OConnor took a highly conscious stand. SEP
scrutineerspresent for the count on election nightreported
that in nearly all cases the ballot papers were marked simply
1 for OConnor, with voters refusing to allocate preferences
to any other party.
In Newcastle Noel Holt received 110 votes.
In many ways, the election campaign in that electorate revealed,
in a highly concentrated manner, the crisis of political perspective
confronting workers and young people everywhere. Holt rejected
the parochial and essentially nationalist campaigns of Labor,
Greens and a host of local Independents who demagogically promised
to deliver a better deal for the large working class
regional city, some 200 km north of Sydney.
The collapse in support for Labor was apparent. Members of
the Carrington branch, one of the oldest branches in the state,
resigned en-masse in February after the ALPs state executive
undemocratically swept aside preselection requirements to impose
star-recruit Jodie McKay, a media personality, as the partys
candidate. But the anger and hostility of workers was largely
channelled behind the campaigns of deposed Labor MP Bryce Gaudry,
who contested as an Independent, Newcastles Lord Mayor John
Tate, and the Greens.
Overall, the NSW election results show a deepening crisis of
the two-party system. The Liberals mustered just 26.8 percent
of the primary vote, with the subsequent ousting of the partys
leader Peter Debnam doing nothing to abate the partys decline.
The Iemma government retained office with 38.9 percent, despite
a statewide 3 percent swing against it, reaching double digits
in some working class electorates. With the elections out of the
way for another four years, and the state teetering on the brink
of recession, the Iemma government will proceed to launch a new
round of far-reaching attacks on the living standards of working
people.
The primary focus of the SEPs campaign was not to secure
votes, but to prepare workers and young people for the struggles
ahead by explaining that the real source of the drive to war,
mounting inequality and the assault on democratic rights lay in
the capitalist profit system itself, and making clear that the
most urgent task was the building of a new mass working class
movement, based on a socialist and internationalist perspective.
See Also:
NSW election: Labor government
returned despite popular disaffection
[26 March 2007]
Australia: Why you should
vote for the SEP in the New South Wales election
[23 March 2007]
Australian SEP election campaign
wins appreciative response
[22 March 2007]
Australia: the socialist alternative
in the New South Wales state election
Support the SEP campaign
[10 February 2007]
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