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French higher education law opens way for privatisation
By Kumaran Rahul and Pierre Mabut
14 August 2007
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On August 1, the French parliament adopted a new law on university
reform by a vote of 165 to 46. Opposition Socialist Party (PS)
deputies (those present), the Greens and the Communist Party (Parti
communist françaisPSF) voted against the law. SP
leaders, however, have already indicated they are not opposed
to a reform of French universities in principlemerely that
it should take place at a slower pace. Speaking for the government,
Higher Education Minister Valérie Pécresse emphasised
that the current measure is only the beginning ... we cannot
invest more without having changed the method of management.
At the same time, the right-wing Gaullist government of President
Nicolas Sarkozy is pledged to reduce by 17,000 the number of teachers
in secondary education by next year. This is part of its policy
to halve the number of government employees.
The main thrust of government policy on the universities is
the increased privatisation of public higher education through
autonomy, giving each university control of its budget
and the universitys assets. This autonomy is to be implemented
over a five-year period when the government will be investing
an extra 1 billion annually, totalling 5 billion.
University presidents will have greater powers. They will be
able to veto appointments proposed by commissions of teachers
and have greater recourse to staff on short-term contracts, not
benefiting from the rights and conditions of regular state employees
with civil service status. Another innovation, forging closer
links to the private sector, will be the right of universities
to create charitable foundations.
University boards of governors will be reduced from 60 members
to 20 or 30 made up of teaching staff, administrative personnel
and three student representatives. A new element will be the presence
of eight external members, probably drawn from business and industry.
Taken together the measures represent a fundamental assault
on French state education and a sizeable shift towards an increasingly
business-oriented system based on privatisation and commercialisation.
Various trade unions and parent-teacher organizations, led
by the university lecturers union SNESUP, held a press conference
July 24, a week before the law was passed, denouncing it as an
attack on basic rights. They feared the competitive mechanisms
between universities and individuals would lead to a
hierarchy of universities and open the door to their unequal development,
encouraged by the race for financing and the disengagement of
the state. Jean Fabbri, SNESUP general secretary, called
for the law to be defeated and a dynamic mobilization
after the holiday period, noting that a strike is not excluded.
However this mild rebuke from the trade unions was too much
for the main student union UNEF (National Union of French Students),
which is close to the Socialist Party. Its president Bruno Julliard
explained that in the present state of things, to ask for
the law to be withdrawn is for us not a good strategy.... To work
for its overturn, we need a student mobilisation and we are at
the end of July [the holiday period]. Under these circumstances,
Julliard was therefore hoping for some genuine amendments
before the law was passed to make it more acceptable.
In reality Julliard and the UNEF leadership have abandoned any
opposition to the reform after assurances by President Sarkozy
that a selection process for students enrolling for a masters
degree would not be included in the law.
Prime Minister François Fillon, in a statement before
parliament on July 3, set out his objectives: We are going
to reconstruct French universities.... For 25 years, through lack
of courage, we have accepted selection [at university] by failure
rather than by orientation and merit. The reaction by Julliard
was positive. We finally know why this important reform
has been launched, and we share the objectives announced,
he said. The July 4 edition of the pro-Sarkozy Le Figaro spelt
out these objectives: The new version of the bill, rewritten
last week to calm rising tensions of a section of the university
community, retains the essential features of the reform: the reinforced
powers for university presidents, and an increased university
autonomy.
The French employers federation MEDEF and its president
Laurence Parisot have a clear idea where these reforms must leadmore
selection and training oriented to the needs of business. The
MEDEF wants to see state funds tied to the employability
of students and an increase in tuition fees encouraging
students to be responsible and obtaining a greater commitment
from them. The employers seek the creation of charitable
foundations with favourable financial incentives for donors
and the possibility of universities to conclude contracts
with companies enabling them to generate their own resources.
The government stress on university autonomy and
the turn towards business are bound up with the European Union
Lisbon strategy aimed at making European capitalism more competitive
on the world market. The European Commission published a report
in 2006 entitled The Modernisation Agenda for Universities:
Education, Research and Innovation. The report urged member
states to press ahead with the modernisation of Europes
universities, which should be implemented by the end of 2007.
Like France, all the EU member states are facing competition
from their rivals, particularly China and India, the report
stated. The rapid growth of Asian universities is now challenging
Europe in terms of the output of doctoral candidates in science
and engineering. This will threaten the position of Europe as
the most competitive and innovative economy in the world as stated
in the Lisbon objectives. According to the report: University
programs should be structured to directly enhance the employability
of graduates and to offer broad support to the workforce more
generally. As for financing, It should be based on
what universities Do and not what they Are. Universities
should take greater responsibility for their long-term financial
sustainability, through working with industry, foundations and
private resources.
The fight to defend the right of access to higher education
and quality training does not date from the Lisbon agenda or originate
in the EU. On two previous occasions the French elite tried to
impose financial autonomy on universities to reduce
state spending and limit the number of students, now standing
at 2.2 million. In 1986 the Devaquet reform, under Socialist Party
President Mitterrand, was dropped after a student revolt in which
student Malik Oussekine was killed, a victim of police repression.
In 2003, right-wing Education Minister Luc Ferry tried again to
impose the reforms, but backed down in the face of student/teacher
opposition.
The current minister of higher education, Valérie Pécresse,
expressed the frustration of the French elite, commenting, We
have waited too long. From Allègre to Lang, everyone has
agreed on the necessity of a reform for 15 years. Claude
Allègre and Jack Lang are former education ministers from
the Socialist Party. Lang, on radio RTL, applauded the reform,
saying it gave breathing space to universities. He
has recently joined President Sarkozys reform commission
on state institutions.
François Hollande, Socialist Party first secretary,
expressed his support for reform whilst remaining apprehensive
and cautious not to rekindle the mass movement of opposition that
forced the Chirac/Villepin government to abrogate the First Job
Contract (CPE) law last year. Everyone should get together
to put French universities into the category of excellence without
rushing, he said.
A July 5 article in Le Point highlights the frustration
and urgent desire by the French ruling elite to privatise higher
education, thus making it inaccessible to working class youth.
To bring French universities up to European standards, 10
billion extra euros a year would be needed. The only credible
solution for financing higher education at a suitable level rests
with a substantial increase of enrolment fees. Because university
poverty is a measure of what each student pays to enrol, a little
less than 180 euros a year; less than his/her monthly mobile phone
bill. Such is the pitiful sum for enrolment at university ...
which makes the young believe that virtually free university studies
are the key to success.
The reasons given by Valérie Pécresse for autonomy
underline the spurious nature of the reform. Each year 90,000
students leave university without a diploma and French
universities are lost at the bottom of international rankings.
This situation must be remedied, she said, by granting reinforced
powers to university presidents and a large autonomy. The
projected extra funding is largely to promote the development
of elite establishments. Greater public investment to make up
for years of neglect in higher education, leading to large numbers
of unqualified students, is certainly not an option for this government.
The French state spends 6,800 a year per student compared
to an average of 9,000 in the developed countries of the
OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development).
The European elite are well aware of the challenges involved
in cutting state higher education, especially in France where
social gains have yet to be sacrificed in the same way as under
Thatcher and Blair in Britain, and under Schröder in Germany.
This priority was spelled out by Richard Lambert, director
general of the CBI employers organization, who wrote in
the Financial Times June 5, 2006: Given the fiscal
constraints of Europe, all the big countries in Europe will sooner
or later have to introduce tuition fees. The UK has started the
process and Germany is moving in the same direction. The political
challenge in France will be enormous.
See Also:
France: Sarkozy government introduces
law restricting right to strike
[11 August 2007]
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