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Australian Labor government steps up vendetta against former
Solomon Islands attorney-general
By Patrick OConnor
31 December 2007
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Julian Moti, a well-known international constitutional lawyer
and former attorney-general of the Solomon Islands, was arrested
and detained by Australian Federal Police on December 27 following
his extradition from the Pacific nation. He now faces seven charges
under the Child Sex Tourism Act, carrying a maximum penalty of
17 years imprisonment. Moti appeared before the Brisbane Magistrates
Court last Friday, but the case was adjourned until January 4
to allow him to secure legal representation. The former attorney-general
remains behind bars after his legal aid representative made no
bail application.
Motis deportation and arrest marks a new stage in the
vicious witch-hunt carried out over the past two years by Canberra.
Whatever the outcome of his trial, Moti has been the victim of
a grave injustice. An examination of the facts of the case leaves
no doubt that the extradition, based on trumped-up child sex allegations
thrown out of court by a Vanuatu magistrate in 1998, rests on
the systematic manipulation and violation of established legal
statutes and precepts. The entire affair has been driven by the
Australian governments determination to politically destroy
an individual identified as an obstacle to its interests.
Moti was extradited following the ousting of the former Solomon
Islands government of Manasseh Sogavare through a parliamentary
no-confidence vote on December 13. The new administration, headed
by Prime Minister Derek Sikua, immediately sacked Moti as attorney-general
and moved to deport him in order to prove its pro-Australian credentials
to Canberra. Solomons police forced Moti from his home in
the Solomons capital, Honiara, and onto a plane bound for
Australia, in blatant violation of an earlier interim order issued
by the Central Magistrates Court that his deportation be stayed
pending an appeal to the Solomons Court of Appeal. The unlawful
character of Motis deportation serves to highlight once
again the blatant illegality surrounding Canberras vendetta.
The origins of the affair go back to July 2003, when the former
Howard government deployed more than 2,000 Australian soldiers,
police, and officials to take over the Solomon Islands. The neo-colonial
operation, known as the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon
Islands (RAMSI), was motivated by concern that rival powers such
as China were gaining ground in the South Pacific, a region long
regarded by the Australian ruling elite as its sphere of influence.
Coming just weeks after the illegal US-led invasion of Iraq, RAMSI
marked a turning point, with Canberra openly disregarding international
law and national sovereignty. With the full support of Labor and
the Greens, the Howard government heralded RAMSI as the model
for potential interventions in other neighbouring countries, including
the resource-rich and strategically significant former Australian
colony, Papua New Guinea.
Moti was targeted because he was a known opponent of this agenda.
In April 2006, the Solomons government of Allen Kemakeza,
which had functioned as little more than a fig-leaf for RAMSIs
rule, suffered a major defeat in the national elections. Kemakeza
was later succeeded by Sogavare, who quickly came into conflict
with Canberra after he called for a RAMSI exit strategy
and made limited moves to reduce the Australian authorities
domination of the Solomons administration and state apparatus.
Sogavare also announced plans to establish a Commission of Inquiry
into the riots which erupted in Honiara on April 16-17 in response
to Kemakezas and his cronies efforts to hold onto
power, despite being trounced in the national vote, through a
series of allegedly corrupt deals with fellow parliamentarians.
The Howard government and RAMSI authorities reacted with undisguised
fury to the proposed Commission of Inquiry. Significant evidence
indicates that Australian soldiers and police in Honiara were
deliberately stood down during the riots to facilitate the maximum
destruction, providing the pretext for the additional deployment
of Australian forces and possible direct intervention into the
post-election political crisis. (See The
Howard government, RAMSI, and the April 2006 Solomon Islands
riots) Any exposure of Canberras culpability would
have had devastating consequences for its operations throughout
the Pacific as well as in the Solomons.
Moti was centrally involved in the official inquiry, which
is still hearing evidence. Its status under the new Solomons
government, however, remains unclear. Moti reportedly established
the terms of reference and recommended former Australian Federal
Court Justice Marcus Einfeld to head the commission. Soon after
Sogavare publicly announced this appointment, the Australian press
ran a series of sensationalised stories attacking Einfeld, ostensibly
over an unpaid $77 speeding fine. The orchestrated witch-hunt
delayed the commissions work for months after Einfeld was
forced to withdraw; he is now facing serious charges in court
related to the fine.
Behind the statutory rape allegation
Australian authorities found a convenient pretext for their
campaign against Moti in statutory rape allegations previously
issued against the international lawyer in Vanuatu in 1997-1998.
Former foreign minister Alexander Downer and other senior Australian
officials repeatedly insinuated that Moti was a paedophile and
demanded his extradition under Australias Child Sex Tourism
Act.
This demand was based on a cynical perversion of the legislation.
The Act was intended to allow the prosecution of child sex offenders
who commit crimes while travelling overseas and then evade investigation
by returning to Australia. One section explicitly rules out double
jeopardy prosecutions: If a person has been convicted
or acquitted in a country outside Australia of an offence against
the law of that country in respect of any conduct, the person
cannot be convicted of an offence against this Part in respect
of that conduct (Section 3 50FC, Crimes [Child Sex Tourism]
Amendment Act 1994).
Moti was living and working in Vanuatu in the late 1990s and
had established a highly regarded law firm in the capital, Port
Vila. In July 1998, a local court dismissed the statutory rape
allegations against him in a preliminary inquiry. After reviewing
the public prosecutors case, the presiding magistrate described
the attempted prosecution as unjust and oppressive
and ordered that Motis costs be covered by the state. The
prosecutor provided no physical evidence, and the case relied
solely on the testimony of the alleged victim, then a 13-year-old
girl, which featured a series of anomalies, inconsistencies, and
claims that were later definitively disproved.
A 116-page document on the Moti affair released by the former
Solomons government last August suggests that the allegations
were concocted by the girls father, a businessman who had
been defended by Motis law firm in cases involving his non-payment
of debts. According to the document, Motis political enemies
in the Vanuatu establishment encouraged and assisted the prosecution
in order to sideline him.
Vanuatu police and prosecution officials dropped their investigations
after the case was thrown out of court. Moti continued to work
in a number of Pacific countries and frequently travelled to Australia
without incident. The child sex allegations suddenly re-emerged
only in early 2005at precisely the time Canberra was becoming
concerned that Moti would soon be appointed Solomons attorney-general
by the Kemakeza government. According to an article in the Australian
on December 28, Moti attended a Christmas party in Sydney in December
2004 and let people know that he was being considered for the
job. Senior bureaucrats with the Department of Foreign Affairs
and Trade were at the party. Australian Federal Police (AFP) commenced
their inquiries in Vanuatu within a month.
The Kemakeza government subsequently declined to appoint Motilikely
under Australian pressureand after he took up an academic
position in India, the AFP investigation was dropped. But the
pursuit was resumed as soon as Sogavare came to office and announced
the Commission of Inquiry. The degree of urgency of the AFPs
investigations has, at every stage, coincided with Canberras
political imperatives.
Even before the Sogavare government came to power and the Commission
of Inquiry was proposed, Moti was regarded as hostile to Australian
interests. He was on record as being critical of Canberras
neo-colonialism in the South Pacific and had argued that the legality
of the Australian occupying forces presence in the Solomons
could be challenged before the International Court of Justice.
Not a shred of evidence has been advanced by Australian police
or government officials to explain why Moti should be re-tried
on the 1998 charges. The former Sogavare government repeatedly
declared that it would commence extradition proceedings if Canberra
provided such evidence, but none was forthcoming. The Howard government
simply continued to repeat its malicious insinuations. Sections
of the Australian media cited unnamed officials who claimed that
Moti had bribed the Vanuatu magistratea slanderous accusation
that does not even make logical sense, since it fails to explain
why police and prosecutors dropped their investigation after the
case was dismissed.
The only substantive account of the entire affair was advanced
by the former Solomons government, whose 116-page documentwhich
was released in the form of a series of questions directed to
Australias federal director of public prosecutionsprovided
a detailed account of Canberras criminal conduct. (See Solomon Islands government rebuts
Canberras child sex allegations against attorney-general)
Australian authorities have never responded to the damning evidence
outlined in this document.
Rudd government continues persecution
After earlier declaring that he held a hardline
position on Motis extradition, the recently elected Labor
Prime Minister Kevin Rudd has welcomed the former attorney-generals
arrest. I indicated when the government changed we were
looking forward to a better relationship with the new government
of the Solomon Islands, he declared on Friday. I appreciate
the fact that the new government of the Solomons has moved early
to return Mr Moti to Australianow these matters lie with
the appropriate legal authorities within Australia.
Rudds eagerness to align himself with the former Howard
governments filthy campaign against Moti underscores both
the character and agenda of the new Labor government. The prime
minister warmly welcomed Sogavares downfallwhich marked
the culmination of a protracted regime change campaign
orchestrated by his predecessorand has pledged to work closely
with the new pro-RAMSI Sikua government. Far from representing
any change in course in Australian regional foreign policy, the
Rudd government is determined to uphold Howards strategy
of defending Australian corporate and strategic interests by excluding
rival powers from the South Pacific.
The Labor Party fully endorsed the Howard governments
campaign against Moti and its numerous provocations in Honiara.
Former Labor leader Kim Beazley responded to Motis arrest
in Papua New Guinea last year by expressing his complete agreement.
On September 29, 2006, Moti was detained while in transit from
Singapore to the Solomons where he was due to commence work as
the countrys attorney-general. Orchestrated by Australian
police working in the Pacific Transnational Crime Unit, Motis
arrest was entirely illegal. He was detained without an arrest
warrant and without the knowledge of any Papua New Guinean authorities.
There was no legal means for Moti to be extradited to Australia
from PNG, as that countrys legislation demands that such
transfers satisfy the condition of double criminality.
Because there is no PNG legislation equivalent to Australias
Child Sex Tourism Act, Moti could not be extradited. None of this
prevented senior Howard government ministers from threatening
the PNG government with various sanctions, including the suspension
of Australian aid, unless Moti was handed over.
Amid the international standoff, Beazley issued an extraordinary
statement in defence of Howard. The Howard government is
politically motivated in about 99.9 percent of what it does,
he declared on October 4, 2006. This is the 0.1 where it
isnt, the 0.1 where it isnt. Quite frankly the request
for extradition of this gentleman, to face the serious charges
that have been laid against him, are entirely the product of movement
within the Australian judicial process.
Rudd is now maintaining the lie that Motis detention
is the result of judicial process when in fact the
entire affair has been characterised by Canberras subversion
of the law. It remains highly doubtful whether it is even possible
for the former Solomon Islands attorney-general to receive a fair
trial in Australia, given that he has already been publicly accused
of being guilty by senior government ministers, led by the former
foreign minister Alexander Downer.
In one radio interview, for example, Downer declared on 2GB,
I make no apology for being very upset about thisI
think child sex is the most appalling of crimesI am a father
of four children... The interviewer, Philip Clark, interjected:
Its disgusting. I know you are. Im a parent
too. You dont have to be a parent to be revolted by this.
Downer: You dont.
The Howard government was only able to proceed with its provocations
in the Solomons thanks to the role of Labor and the other parliamentary
parties. The entire Australian political and media establishment,
without exception, agrees with Canberras military-police
operations in the Solomons and other parts of the South Pacific.
This is why none of them has come to the defence of Julian Moti.
See Also:
Solomon Islands government ousted through
parliamentary vote
[14 December 2007]
Solomon Islands government in crisis
after parliamentarians join opposition
[12 December 2007]
Solomon Islands government
rebuts Canberras child sex allegations against attorney-general
[14 August 2007]
Solomons Islands government
defies Canberra, reappointing Julian Moti as attorney-general
[11 July 2007]
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