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Egypt
Egypt: Textile workers protest trade union collaboration with
employers
By Robert Stevens
12 February 2007
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Over the past month, textile workers in Egypt have staged a
series of large-scale strikes, protests and demonstrations against
low pay, non-payment of bonuses and privatisations. An important
factor in these strikes has been the open collaboration of the
trade union bureaucracy in the General Union of Textiles Workers,
who have sought to prevent any opposition to the attacks on working
conditions. This has provoked a widespread confrontation between
the workers and the trade union leadership.
On January 30, 4,000 workers employed at the Ghazl Shebeen
el-Koum textile factory took strike action and occupied the plant
to oppose the non-payment of bonuses. The action happened just
days before the plant was due to begin operating as a private
concern. In November, the government sold off the factory to a
transnational firm, Andurama.
The majority of the workforce at the plant participated in
the sit-in, with estimates of between 2,500 to 3,000 workers involved.
As part of the deal to sell off the factory employees had been
informed that they would receive 140-day bonuses as payment for
fulfilling a six-month production plan.
According to an article on arabist.net web site, the morning
shift workers were shocked to find that only a 45-day loan
(not bonus) was awaiting them. They refused to receive the pay,
and staged a sit-in, as the afternoon shift workers were coming
in. The latter, when informed of what happened, joined the sit-in
and refused to work, demanding to meet any government official
to get an explanation for the unfulfilled promises.
Night shift workers arriving at the plant later that day also
joined the strike.
The article also quotes an unnamed engineer at the plant, who
stated that the local Factory Union Committee opposed the strike
and that one of its members told workers to go away, we
received our bonuses. Theres nothing we can do for you.
On February 4, thousands of workers at three plants in the
northern Delta region of the country took strike action. The strike
began at the Kafr al-Dawar textile mill in the Nile Delta.
In December, 27,000 workers at the Mahalla al-Kubra textile
factorythe largest in Egypthad struck to protest low
pay and non-payment of bonuses. These bonuses comprise most of
the annual salary received by the employees. Textile workers are
amongst the most poorly paid workers in Egypt, with an average
salary between LE 150 and LE 250 a month (US$26-42). This compares
with the average wage of a steel worker of around LE 4,000 a month
(US$700). Their wages are barely enough to pay for rent and food.
The strike ended after five days, with the management agreeing
to pay 75 percent of the owed bonuses. During the strike, workers
came into conflict with the local trade union leadership of the
General Union of Textiles Workers who sit on the 21-member factory
union committee. Workers angrily opposed the union bureaucracy
in a number of meetings and accused them of working with management
to sabotage the strike. Other accusations against the local leadership
include claims that they were fraudulently elected.
On January 29, more than 200 Mahalla textile workers presented
a 13,000-signature petition to the General Union of Textiles Workers
at a meeting. The petition condemned the role of the local union
during the industrial action and demanded the factory committee
leadership be impeached. The workers made a threat to leave General
Union of Textiles Workers and form their own independent trade
union if their demands were not met.
The General Union of Textiles Workers has agreed to respond
to the demands of the Mahalla workers by February 15.
The state-controlled General Federation of Trade Unions was
formed in 1957 and is the federation to which all unions in Egypt
belong. It functions as an arm of the state in suppressing workers
struggles. Strikes are illegal in Egypt.
Most of the Egyptian workforce is not unionised. The federation
numbers 3.7 million workers, which is under 25 percent of the
total workforce.
A January 29 article in the Daily Star newspaper reported
that Mohamed El-Attar, the spokesman of the Mahalla workers, said
of the petition, This is a legitimate demand. Law 35 obliges
the state to respond to us. Section B of Article 26 entitles us
to impeach our local union if we feel it does not represent us.
This has never happened in Egypt before.
Trade union activity is closely monitored by the state and
security forces in Egypt and the formation of an independent trade
union would be the first such action in more than 50 years. El-Attar
also alleged that the General Federation of Trade Unions was working
with the government and security forces to prevent workers from
breaking with the official trade union structures.
According to the Daily Star article, workers claim that
two buses containing more than 300 more factory workers
who planned to attend Mondays meeting were barred from entering
Cairo at a check-point outside Shubra, and that leaders from Mahalla
received phone threats by police and security forces.
El-Attar said at the meeting, I want to say this in front
of the media: we are being intimidated by the labour union. It
is very important that no intimidation takes place during this
process.
The article excerpted some of the angry exchanges that took
place at the meeting, as El-Attar and other workers condemned
the pro-management role of the General Union of Textiles Workers.
The article continues, Accusations that the local union
plotted with management against the workers in December provoked
a heated exchange inside the crowded hall.
These are all lies! Lies! shouted one member
of the Mahalla Factory Union, to a foreign visitor.
No they are not, said El-Attar, responding
directly to the union leader. Not one single member of our
syndicate stood with us during the strike. You stood on the side
of management. As our representatives you had an agreement with
us, and you broke it.
Look at what happened at Tora Cement factory,
he continued, referring to the successful strike at Tora Cement
factory in late December. When the workers there went on
hunger strike, eight members of the factory committee joined them
and were sent to the hospital. Their demands were met in 12 hours
because their union stood by them. But when we had our strike,
where were you? he said, pointing at the local union leaders.
He added: We want a union that really represents
us. Its simple. Thats our demand.
At the meeting workers booed and heckled the comments of Said
Ghory, the chairman of the General Union General Union of Textiles
Workers. Workers pointed out that nobody from their elected trade
union had been seen by the strikers for three days during the
strike.
Exploitation intensified
In response to growing international competition in the textile
industry, particularly from China and India, big business has
stepped up its attacks on the workforce in order to increase productivity.
In 2001, the government of Hosni Mubarak devalued the Egyptian
pound. The currency was floated in 2004. This was implemented
largely in order to enable businesses to become more competitive
and reduce the pay and living standards of the working class.
The same year the government appointed a number of businessmen
and technical advisers to the cabinet. This was aimed at pushing
through a privatisation agenda and a concerted attempt to establish
Egypt as the low-cost, high productivity economy in the Middle
East.
An article in the December 13, 2006 Financial Times
revealed how businesses began to reap the profitable rewards of
this policy. It quotes the managing director of Farm Fritesa
part Kuwaiti-owned company in food processingsaying, Overnight
we became competitive.
Due to the currency devaluation, since 2001 exports of textiles,
furniture-making and white goods have increased tenfold to $700
million.
In 2005, Egypt signed a free trade agreement with Turkey, which
has led to a number of Turkish owned firms beginning to set up
factories. Many of these are to be located in six new free trade
zones. In order to facilitate this investment the government enacted
a steep reduction in customs tariffs in 2004. This in turn has
led to locally owned firms having to intensify the exploitation
of their workforce in order to compete with firms in the newly
established free trade zones. The workers who struck at the textile
plant at Ghazl Shebeen el-Koum are located in such a zone.
In December 2006, the Ministry of Trade and Industry appealed
to the private sector and international experts to promote and
upgrade the six new zones. An estimated 800 factories are to be
set up in the zones, including plants with Swiss, Italian, Turkish
and Pakistani investment.
Commenting on this phenomenon the Financial Times states,
As operating costs rise in Europe and Turkey feels the pinch
of competition from India and China, Egypts potential as
an industrial hub has suddenly come to life. Its labour costs
are among the lowest in the Middle East, its energysubsidised
by the statethe cheapest and, unlike much of the rest of
the region, it has abundant water from the Nile. In the past few
years it has also entered into a slew of trade agreements that
give it preferential access to Europe, the US and Turkey as well
as other parts of Africa and the Middle East.
China was among the first to establish an economic foothold
in Egypt following the government reforms of 2004. It is expected
that within eight years China will be Egypts largest trading
partner, displacing the United States. Only Egypts combined
trade with European nations will be worth more than its trade
with China. Egypts total trade with China was worth about
$2 billion in 2005, compared with just over $5 billion in trade
with the US.
In September last year China and Egypt signed a deal to establish
a Chinese industrial zone in Egypt. This is to facilitate joint
investment in textiles, footwear and pharmaceuticals. The deal
also will also lead to the creation of an international exhibitions
complex outside Cairo, with planned investment of $500 million.
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