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Rices Middle East visit: Bullying and intimidation dressed
up as diplomacy
By Jean Shaoul
22 February 2007
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US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rices much trumpeted
meeting on Monday, February 19 with Israeli Prime Minister Ehud
Olmert and Mahmoud Abbas was a calculated public humiliation of
the Palestinian president.
Far from being a new diplomatic initiative designed to bring
about a just resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Rice
used the occasion to dictate Washington and Jerusalems terms
for any future Palestinian government.
Following separate talks with Olmert and Abbas, the three met,
without aides other than Rices Arabic translator, in a West
Jerusalem hotel before adjourning to Rices suite.
Rice told the Palestinians in no uncertain terms that Abbass
proposals for a new Palestinian government did not meet with her
approval, the concessions offered by Hamas were totally inadequate
and until the Hamas government completely renounced its programme,
no Palestinian state was on offer. She made clear that the only
terms acceptable to the Bush administration were the total suppression
of all opposition to Israels plans for a Greater Israel,
based on the permanent retention of its settlements in the West
Bank.
The talks lasted a mere two hours and ended with a terse 90-second
statement from Rice. Abbas confirmed his position as a US puppet
by dutifully lining up alongside Olmert to endorse her remarks.
Rice said that the three had discussed the changed political
circumstances arising from the proposal for a Hamas-Fatah government;
the meeting had been useful and productive, and she
would be back in Jerusalem soon. She left without
taking any questions from reporters and there were no announcements
from either the Israeli or Palestinian leaders.
A Hamas spokesman set the record straight. Ismail Radwan said
the meeting was a failure and that its purpose was to put pressure
on Abbas to pull out of the proposed National Unity government
and take on Hamas. Rice did not succeed in pressuring President
Abbas to withdraw from the unity government. We call on the US
administration to respect the Palestinian peoples will and
recognise the [Hamas-led] government and open a dialogue,
he said.
The meeting took place against the backdrop of an agreement
brokered by Saudi King Abdullah in Mecca between Hamas, led by
Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh, and Fatah led by President Mahmoud
Abbas, that were on the point of outright civil war, to form a
National Unity government.
The electoral victory of Hamas in January 2006 had led, on
the insistence of the US and Israel, to an economic boycott and
isolation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). The Quartet, the
US, European Union, Russia and the United Nations, cut off all
direct aid to the PA, bringing the Palestinian economy to a halt
and its people to the brink of starvation, while Israel illegally
withheld the tax and customs it collects on behalf of the PA.
Israels demands on Abbas to suppress all Palestinian
resistance to its illegal occupation of the Palestinian territories
and its all-out war on Gaza last summer only served to increase
the tensions between the rival parties.
The Mecca agreement, which Abbas announced on February 9 after
two days of talks, was widely welcomed within Palestine. It follows
his failed attempt to mount a political coup at Washingtons
behest last December, when he said he would dissolve the Hamas
government and call new presidential and parliamentary elections.
That unconstitutional move threatened a civil war and was unlikely
to lead to an election victory for Fatah.
While this latest arrangement is a reflection of Abbass
unwillingness to take on Hamas with either guns or at the polls,
it achieves the same ends: the unseating of an elected government.
The Hamas government has now resigned and Haniyeh has five weeks
to form a new National Unity government, which he will head, as
set out under the agreement.
The aim is to end the factional fighting between the two parties,
terminate any militant resistance to Israel and secure the international
recognition that will restore economic aid to the PA. The Saudi
Kingdom has pledged $1 billion to counter Iranian and Shiite influence
and restore its own position in the region.
Hamas will cede six cabinet posts to Fatah and four to so-called
independents, including the most powerful portfolios and the only
ones with any real power: interior, finance and foreign relations.
It made major concessions to Fatah and Israels key demands:
the acceptance of Israels right to exist, the renunciation
of violence, the acceptance of previous agreements between Israel
and the PAa reference to the Oslo Accords that make a future
Palestinian state dependent upon negotiations rather than the
Israeli withdrawal from land seized in the 1967 war. Specifically
it agreed to recognise Israel as a reality and respect
or honour previous agreements, having dropped its previous insistence
that any agreements be in the higher interests of the Palestinian
people.
The new government would adopt the so-called prisoners
charter, drawn up by both Fatah and Hamas last year calling for
a Palestinian state within the land captured by Israel in 1967
with its capital in Jerusalem. It further called for Hamas to
work towards joining the PLO, the umbrella group dominated by
Fatah which has recognised Israel and would be responsible for
negotiating future agreements with Israel.
Even Mohammad Dahlan, Fatah official and warlord, a fierce
opponent of Hamas and an Israeli favourite to assume the interior
ministry, said that with such an agreement in place Israel could
no longer use the excuse that there was no Palestinian partner
for peace. He pointed to the change in government, a long
period without much militant opposition to Israel and the Mecca
agreement between Abbas and Haniyah.
Hamass leader in exile in Syria, Khalid Mashaal,
one of the participants in the Mecca talks, used the Guardian
to publicly renounce Hamass long held call for a Palestinian
state on the whole of Mandate Palestine (Israel and Palestine).
He offered a resolution of the conflict based on a Palestinian
state within its 1967 borders of the West Bank, including East
Jerusalem and Gaza.
This was rejected by Zvi Heifetz, Israels ambassador
in London, writing in a comment piece in the Guardian headlined,
Hamas has not delivered.
Washington and Jerusalem do not want negotiations with Hamas,
but total surrender and the suppression of all opposition to Israels
expansionist agenda. To this end, the Olmert government has sanctioned
the transfer of arms to Abbas and the White House has sought financial
resources from Congress for military aid to Abbas to suppress
Hamas, to be channelled via Israel and Egypt.
Israel used the run-up to the meeting with Rice to pile the
pressure on Abbas. While Fatah officials and Palestinian commentators
acknowledge that Hamas has shifted its position, an Israeli official
said, The fact is Hamas moved a little bit, which is positive.
But we dont think it moved far enough. Mahmoud Abbas moved
towards Hamas, which we dont like.
Tzahi Hanegbi, the head of the foreign affairs committee of
Israels parliament, went further. He said that Mr. Abbas
had awarded a significant victory to Hamas.
On Friday before the talks, Olmert announced that President
George W. Bush had assured him that the US would continue to boycott
any new Palestinian government that failed to recognise Israel,
renounce violence and accept agreements. It signifies that the
US will accept only a Palestinian state whose sole function is
to police the Palestinian people and prevent any opposition to
Israels illegal occupation of the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
See Also:
Israel has plans for nuclear
attack on Iran
[8 January 2007]
Abbas attempts a political
coup on behalf of Washington
[18 December 2006]
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