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Britain: New crime bill flouts presumption of innocence
By Julie Hyland
20 January 2007
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This week the Home Office published its proposed Serious Crime
bill. Under the guise of tackling serious and organized
crime, the Blair government is to further erode the presumption
of innocence, so that people who have not been chargedlet
alone convictedof a criminal offence can be subject to draconian
restrictions on their freedom of movement.
At the centre of the governments proposals are measures
to extend Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (Asbos), first introduced
in April 1999 as part of the Crime and Disorder Act. Asbos are
issued by magistrates against named individuals for a range of
behaviours that are not necessarily criminal. In the past, they
have been used to bar those named from certain areas, to impose
curfew times and/or to bar ownership of TVs or radios for
example, so as to prevent an individual from playing music loudly.
Thousands of Asbos have been imposed over the last years, mainly
against the young, attracting punishments often disproportionate
to the offence deemed to have been committed. The orders are non-time-specific
and whilst the original offence is usually of a non-criminal
nature, breaching an Asbo can be punished by up to five years
in prison.
Previously the government had claimed that complaints as to
the impact of Asbos on civil liberties were exaggerated, as the
orders were aimed at minor, nuisance behaviours. Now
the Home Office proposes to significantly expand their use into
areas recognized as criminal, but bypassing the right to a trial
based on the principle of establishing guilt beyond reasonable
doubt. The order can be imposed even if the person involved
has no criminal record.
The Home Office web site claims that the new super-Asbos are
designed to make life more difficult for serious criminals by
disrupting their activities in both big and small ways, making
it harder for them to cause damage or defraud innocent people.
Announcing the bill, Home Secretary John Reid said, We
are bringing in reforms to get the Mr. Bigs of the organized crime
world, while Home Office Minister Vernon Coaker argued it
would enable police to combat previously untouchable
criminals. People who believe they are beyond the law and
untouchable will know that the government is on the side of the
ordinary law-abiding majority.
There is a ludicrous element to the assertion that Britains
Mr. Bigs are the primary targets of the proposed legislation,
let alone that its measures would constitute a serious impediment
to a major criminal. In fact the remit of the proposed legislation
is far more broadly defined. According to the BBC, the new serious
crime prevention orders, which will be applied for by the Crown
Prosecution Service, the Serious Fraud Office or the Revenue and
Customs Prosecution Office, may be imposed by the courts
if they believed, on the balance of probability, that the suspect
had acted in a way which helped or was likely to help a serious
crime. Orders would also be used if courts felt it was necessary
and proportionate to prevent such criminal harm in the future.
The government has said that some 30 top criminals
could be targeted by the super-Asbos. But in addition to the orders
being imposed against those suspected of involvement in drugs,
prostitution, fraud and money laundering, the bill contains provisions
for them to be used against fishing for salmon, trout or
freshwater fish with prohibited implements and unauthorised
waste disposal!
Measures that may be implemented under the orders include prohibitions
or restrictions on an individuals financial, property
or business dealings or holdings and an individuals
working arrangements. They can also be used to restrict
or prohibit contact between an individual and other persons, and
to limit freedom of travel, both within the UK and abroad. News
reports indicate that this could mean banning a suspected criminal
from owning a mobile phone or frequenting premises where criminal
activity is believed to be taking place.
The new bill also enables anti-fraud agencies to access details
of an individuals salary, benefits and taxes held by government
agencies, and for information to be shared between them. Although
the legislation excludes access to health service records, it
empowers the home secretary to extend the data-matching remit
and it acknowledges that fraud prevention could eventually be
expanded to enable access to central government records, including
passports and driving licences.
The Guardian noted that this followed a decision
by the cabinet last summer to overturn the basic data protection
principle that personal information provided to a government department
for one purpose should in general not be used for another. Instead
ministers have reversed the principle so information will
normally be shared in the public sector, provided it is in the
public interest.
The proposed legislation raises the question that if leading
criminals are to be targeted, why can they not be dealt with through
existing judicial procedures?
The human rights group Liberty has attacked the proposed legislation
as part of a dangerous government trend toward punishing
individuals despite a lack of evidence of their guilt.
Speaking for the group, Jago Russell said, We used to
believe in hard evidence and fair trials in this countrynow
we dispense rapid-fire justice as quickly as the government can
develop a catchy four-letter acronym for it.
As the Guardian noted, The average decade in the
60 years up to 1985 produced one criminal justice act; the next
10 years saw one passed every 18 months; since 1997 the rate has
stepped up again to reach more than two a year.
The newspaper went on to blandly state that Labour was taking
a somewhat cavalier approach towards crime. But the
measures introduced by Labour over the last decaderanging
from the war on terror to measures against anti-social
behaviourreveal a more calculated assault on democratic
rights. Fundamental principles such as habeas corpus and the presumption
of innocence have been repeatedly attacked and undermined to such
an extent that the legal framework for a police state has been
constituted in Britain.
The powers that be now have the right to seize individuals
and hold them without charge on the say-so of a government minister
and/or the security services. Even if an individual is not officially
detained, they can be subject to conditions of house arrest whereby
any form of communication with the outside world is virtually
forbidden.
Nor should it be forgotten that the police have also acquired
shoot-to-kill powers and have insisted that this new-found right
must be preserved in the aftermath of the gunning down of innocent
Brazilian worker Jean Charles de Menezes in 2005 by armed plain
clothes officers.
Such measures are the product of a government that rules as
the representative of a narrow layer of the super-rich, imposing
its demands for colonial style wars of conquest and the redistribution
of wealth from the bottom to the top on an increasingly hostile
population. Lacking any popular base for its rule, it regards
the mass of the population with fear and hatred and must resort
ever more determinedly to repressive state measures to impose
policies for which it cannot possibly secure a democratic mandate.
See Also:
Bushs Iraq surge met
with despair in Britain
[13 January 2007]
On eve of London bombings: MPs told Britain
faced no imminent threat
[10 January 2007]
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