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US Army officer faces court martial for refusing Iraq deployment
order
By Naomi Spencer
30 January 2007
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On January 16, a US military judge ruled that an officer cannot
justify resisting deployment to Iraq by demonstrating the illegality
of the war. This significant pre-trial decision was delivered
as Army Lieutenant Ehren Watada, the first military officer to
refuse orders to serve in Iraq, faces up to six years in prison
when he is court-martialed next month.
Watada, stationed at the Seattle, Washington-area Ft. Lewis,
is charged with one count of missing troop movement after he refused
to deploy with his Stryker Brigade last June. Watada has explained
that he had a duty as a soldier to disobey unlawful orders, including
participation in the unauthorized, illegal, preemptive invasion
of Iraq. To do so, he argued, would be a violation of Nuremberg
Principles and the US Constitution, making him a party to war
crimes.
The Nuremberg Principles explicitly state that a war of aggression
is a crime against peace, and in participating in such a war,
The fact that a person acted pursuant to order of his Government
or of a superior does not relieve him from responsibility under
international law, provided a moral choice was in fact possible
to him.
January 23, Watada told Democracy Nows Amy
Goodman that, in preparation for his own deployment, he began
in late 2005 to research the events that led up to the US invasion
of Iraq. And as I found out the answers to the questions
I had, I became convinced that the war itself was illegal and
immoral, as was the current conduct of American forces and the
American government on the ground over in Iraq. And as such, as
somebody who has sworn an oath to protect our Constitution, our
values and our principles, and to protect the welfare and the
safety of the American people, I said to myself thats something
that I cannot be a part of, the war. I cannot enable or condone
those who have established this illegal and immoral policy. And
so, I simply requested that I have my commission resigned and
I separate completely from the military, because of those reasons,
and I was denied several times, and I was basically given the
ultimatum, Either you deploy to Iraq or you will face a
court-martial.
Watadas civilian attorney, Eric Seitz, had sought to
introduce the question of the wars legality into the case
so that Watada could explain his reasons for defying deployment
orders. The military judge, Lieutenant Colonel John Head, rejected
this motion. Head claimed that whether the war was lawful or not
was a political, not a legal, concern.
Seitz contended that assertion in pre-trial arguments. The
legality of the Iraq War is not merely a political question,
he said. Lt. Watadas specific intent was to avoid
unlawful actions in Iraq. For the sake of due process, we need
the opportunity to raise this issue.
In his written decision, Head stated, A hearing on the
Nuremberg defense would consist of witnesses who would
testify that the war in Iraq was a crime against peace, a war
of aggression, and a violation of the United Nations Charter,
other international law, and US law. The accused would testify
that his refusal to go to Iraq was based upon the belief that
he would be committing war crimes because the United States was
involved in a war of aggression and a crime against peace.
The judge concluded, The accuseds motive not to
deploy and his belief about the lawfulness of the Iraq war are
not elements of the offense. Motive is, therefore, irrelevant
on the merit. Even had the defense been granted the full hearing
they requested, the decision would be no different.
In addition to the charge for missing movement, Watada faces
four charges of conduct unbecoming an officer for
public antiwar comments. These charges carry a maximum sentence
of four years.
The present case is the first instance since the Vietnam War
in which the military has utilized unbecoming-conduct charges
to prosecute an officer for political dissent.
Specifically, the unbecoming conduct charges were leveled against
Watada for four statements made in 2006. Three were enumerated
in a friend-of-the-court brief filed by the American Civil Liberties
Union (ACLU) in August (PDF at http://new.aclu-wa.org/document.cfm?id=509):
* I could never conceive of our leader betraying the
trust we had in him.... As I read about the level of deception
the Bush administration used to initiate and process this war,
I was shocked. I became ashamed of wearing the uniform. How can
we wear something with such a time-honored tradition, knowing
we waged war based on a misrepresentation and lies? It was a betrayal
of the trust of the American people. And these lies were a betrayal
of the trust of the military and the Soldiers.... But I felt there
was nothing to be done, and this administration was just continually
violating the law to serve their purpose, and there was nothing
to stop them.... Realizing the President is taking us into a war
that he misled us about has broken that bond of trust that we
had. If the President can betray my trust, its time for
me to evaluate what hes telling me to do.
* I was shocked and at the same time ashamed that Bush
had planned to invade Iraq before the 9/11 attacks. How could
I wear this [honorable] uniform now knowing we invaded a country
for a lie?
* It is my conclusion as an officer of the Armed Forces
that the war in Iraq is not only morally wrong but a horrible
breach of American law.... As the order to take part in an illegal
act is ultimately unlawful as well, I must as an officer of honor
and integrity refuse that order.... The wholesale slaughter and
mistreatment of Iraqis is not only a terrible and moral injustice,
but its a contradiction to the Armys own law of land
warfare. My participation would make me party to war crimes.
A fourth charge for disgraceful remarks was issued
following a warmly received speech Watada delivered at the August
Veterans for Peace National Convention. The entire speech was
identified as unbecoming conduct, and bears quoting at some length:
Today, I speak with you about a radical idea. It is one
born from the very concept of the American soldier (or service
member). It became instrumental in ending the Vietnam Warbut
it has been long since forgotten. The idea is this: that to stop
an illegal and unjust war, the soldiers can choose to stop fighting
it.
Now it is not an easy task for the soldier. For he or
she must be aware that they are being used for ill-gain. They
must hold themselves responsible for individual action. They must
remember duty to the Constitution and the people supersedes the
ideologies of their leadership. The soldier must be willing to
face ostracism by their peers, worry over the survival of their
families, and of course the loss of personal freedom. They must
know that resisting an authoritarian government at home is equally
important to fighting a foreign aggressor on the battlefield.
Finally, those wearing the uniform must know beyond any shadow
of a doubt that by refusing immoral and illegal orders they will
be supported by the people not with mere words but by action.
The American soldier must rise above the socialization
that tells them authority should always be obeyed without question.
Rank should be respected but never blindly followed. Awareness
of the history of atrocities and destruction committed in the
name of Americaeither through direct military intervention
or by proxy waris crucial. They must realize that this is
a war not out of self-defense but by choice, for profit and imperialistic
domination. WMD, ties to Al Qaeda, and ties to 9/11 never existed
and never will. The soldier must know that our narrowly and questionably
elected officials intentionally manipulated the evidence presented
to Congress, the public, and the world to make the case for war.
They must know that neither Congress nor this administration has
the authority to violate the prohibition against pre-emptive waran
American law that still stands today. This same administration
uses us for rampant violations of time-tested laws banning torture
and degradation of prisoners of war. Though the American soldier
wants to do right, the illegitimacy of the occupation itself,
the policies of this administration, and rules of engagement of
desperate field commanders will ultimately force them to be party
to war crimes. They must know some of these facts, if not all,
in order to act.
(Video of the speech is available at Watadas web site:
http://www.thankyoult.org/)
The defense argued that the content of Watadas public
statements did not fit the description of unbecoming conductdishonesty,
unfair dealing, indecency, indecorum, lawlessness, injustice,
or crueltyas set forth in military code, and that
Watadas statements were protected by the First Amendment.
In the midst of overwhelming opposition to the current course,
Watada by no means expresses an unpopular, let alone inaccurate,
view of the war and Bush administration. However, Lt. Col. Head
ruled against the defense. In addition to finding that military
personnel were not accorded the same amount of freedom as citizens
in political expression, the Army has subpoenaed several independent
journalists who interviewed Watada to testify on behalf of the
prosecution at the court martial.
Taken together, the decisions assume the legal legitimacy of
the war where none exists, and seek to classify criticism of this
assumption as unprotected speech and a punishable offense within
the military. Further, the Army is seeking to curtail dissent
by forcing journalists to testify against antiwar personnel.
The ruling violates the Constitution and serves the purpose
of silencing and intimidating political opposition to the Iraq
war and the entire program of global violence and militarism supported
by both major parties, particularly from within the military.
Watada deserves the broadest support from the American and international
public.
ACLU brief (PDF): http://new.aclu-wa.org/document.cfm?id=509
Ft. Lewis Public Affairs Office: http://www.lewis.army.mil/pao1/media.htm
Transcript of the Veterans for Peace Convention speech: http://www.truthout.org/cgi-bin/artman/exec/view.cgi/63/21805
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