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Analysis : Middle
East : Iraq
Under sustained US pressure, Iraqi cabinet sends oil law to
parliament
By James Cogan
5 July 2007
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Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki went before the media
on Tuesday to announce that his cabinet had unanimously
approved US-backed draft legislation covering the future development
of Iraqs vast oil resources. The parliament, he declared,
would begin debating the oil law the following day. He trumpetted
his achievement as a key step towards finalising the most
important law in Iraq.
The legislation embodies the criminal aims and objectives of
the US invasion of Iraq more than four years ago. Behind the false
claims about Iraqi weapons of mass destruction and
links to terrorism were the ambitions of American energy conglomerates
to access the countrys huge reservesestimated at between
115 and 215 billion barrels of oil.
While the oil law has a number of implications, the most fundamental
is that it would end the Iraqi state monopoly in the development
of oil fields. While the Iraqi people will still constitutionally
own the resources, foreign oil companies will gain
contracts that give exclusive rights to exploration and production
for periods as long as 20 years. The law leaves open the possibility
for production-sharing agreements (PSAs) which guarantee
the investing company against losses and lead to even higher rates
of return.
Importantly, as far as Washington is concerned, all contracts
entered into by the previous regime of Saddam Husseinsuch
as agreements with French, Russian and Chinese corporationswill
be rendered void. US companies will be able to move in and appropriate
development rights over the fields.
The propaganda surrounding the oil law is completely cynical.
It is universally presented in Washington as a policy aimed at
guaranteeing that oil revenues are shared by all Iraqis.
The reality is that the entry of US and other energy giants into
Iraqs oil industry will lead to wholesale plunder. Iraqs
oil minister has predicted that as many as 65 of the 80 known
undeveloped oil fields will come under foreign control. If the
oil industry was developed to its full production potential, it
could pump 6 million barrels a day and generate annual revenues
of more than $130 billion, with the profits as high as 20 percent
for the transnational companies.
It is this prize that has cost the lives of over 700,000 Iraqis
and close to 4,000 occupation troops and left the countrys
infrastructure devastated. Washingtons perspective is to
transform Iraq into a lucrative source of wealth for American
corporate interests and a military base in the Middle East to
extend US domination over the resource-rich region. To achieve
this, it requires both a fig leaf of legality from the puppet
Iraqi parliament in Baghdad and an end to the anti-occupation
insurgency wracking the country.
The centrality of the oil law to the objectives of the US occupation
is underscored by its prominent place in the Bush administration
benchmarks for the Iraqi government. Since the draft
legislation was first revealed on February 26, senior figures
of Bushs cabinet, ranging from Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice, Vice President Dick Cheney to Defence Secretary Robert Gates,
have visited Baghdad to bully the various Iraqi factions in the
US-backed parliament to accept its terms. The White House is pressuring
Maliki to push through the legislation and other key benchmarks
well before September, when a report to Congress on the progress
of the latest US military surge is due.
Little progress had been made until this week. The Kurdish,
Shiite and Sunni parties that previously dominated the cabinet
continued to wrangle over aspects of the proposed law, as each
has sought to secure a portion of the economic spoils. Without
cabinet approval, the legislation could not be placed before parliament.
Over the past two months, however, two of the legislations
key opponentsthe Shiite Sadrist movement led by Moqtada
al-Sadr and the Iraqi Accordance Front coalition of Sunni Arab
partieshave withdrawn their ministers from the cabinet in
protest against the occupation and the government. Maliki exploited
this on Tuesday to push through the legislation in a session attended
by just 24 out of 37 ministers.
President Bush was so pleased with the result that he rang
Maliki personally to congratulate him. Maliki is gambling that
the Sadrist and Sunni boycotts will enable the oil law to be rammed
through the parliament as well. The sessions slated to debate
the bill this week are unlikely to be attended by more than 150
out of the 275 legislators elected in December 2005. On top of
more than 80 boycotters, dozens of Iraqi politicians live outside
the country due to the lack of security. A number of previous
sessions have lapsed after failing to reach the required quorum
of 138.
The laws passage through parliament is far from certain,
however. The fact that the legislation was not tabled yesterday,
as promised, suggests that the horse-trading, arm-twisting and
pay-offs is continuing to ensure its acceptance by the remaining
factions attending parliament. According to the latest reports,
it will be presented today and sent to a committee of review for
at least a week.
The White House is depending on the Shiite fundamentalist parties
that remain loyal to the Maliki government and the Kurdish nationalist
parties that govern northern Iraq through the Kurdish Regional
Government (KRG). The Kurdish parties, however, are insisting
that the KRG, not the Baghdad government, retains power over new
oil development within its territory. On Tuesday, the KRG warned
that it would not accept the new legislation if it departed from
the original February document that enshrined Kurdish demands.
Under pressure from Washington, a cabinet review committee
in April wrote in annexes into the document that substantially
reduced the power of regions and provinces over oil. The annexes
sought to give financial guarantees to the Sunni parties, as part
of a series of US overtures aimed at convincing elements of the
largely Sunni armed resistance to make a deal with the occupation.
The bulk of Iraqs untapped oil lies in the Kurdish north
and the largely Shiite southern provinces. One factor behind the
armed resistance is the fear of the Sunni establishment that regionalism
will lead to the marginalisation and impoverishment of the Sunni-populated
and oil-poor western and central provinces. The Shiite Sadrist
movement, with its main power base in Baghdad, has also consistently
upheld central control over oil production.
If the annexes have been removed by Maliki as part of a deal
with the Kurdish parties, it will dramatically widen the divisions
between the rival factions. Khalaf al-Ilyan, a representative
of the Sunni Iraqi Accordance Front, told Iraqi television: Any
draft law that is approved in the absence of the Iraqi Accordance
Front only represents the groups that approved it. If there are
some who want to cancel the voices of half of the Iraqi people
then they take the responsibility. The Sadrist movement
has pointedly demanded the insertion of a new clause banning the
signing of contracts with any company based in a country with
troops in Iraq.
A Kurdish politician, Firyad Rwandzi, told the Washington
Post on Wednesday that he was confident that everything
is moving forward and there is no problem between Maliki
and the KRG. With both the Sunni and Shiite opponents of regionalism
boycotting the parliament, the Bush administration may well have
instructed Maliki to swing back to giving Iraqi regions and provinces
jurisdiction over new production.
In the final analysis, the White House is not primarily concerned
with which layers of the local Iraqi elite receive a minor share
of Iraqs oil profits, but with creating the legal and political
framework for its exploitation and plunder by US corporate interests.
See Also:
Iraqi oil workers strike in
Basra
[9 June 2007]
Wall Street drools over prospect
of capturing Iraq oil wealth
[6 March 2007]
Iraqi regime set to hand over
oil reserves to US energy giants
[11 January 2007]
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