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US Supreme Court continues pattern of pro-corporate rulings
By Don Knowland
25 June 2007
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Last week the US Supreme Court issued two opinions sharply
curtailing investor rights to sue for fraud and other abuses in
the sale of corporate shares.
In the case Credit Suisse Securities (USA) LLC v. Billing,
investors filed suit alleging that major investment banks acting
as underwriters violated the federal antitrust laws when they
formed syndicates to publicly sell initial shares in hundreds
of companies during the 1990s technology bubble. In order to garner
excessive commissions, the underwriters would not sell the shares
unless the investors agreed to purchase at a later date additional
shares at higher prices as well as other shares in less desirable
companies, and to pay unusually high commissions rates.
The court did not dispute that such practices could violate
the antitrust laws. But, in a 7-1 decision written by Justice
Stephen Breyer, the court ruled that the lawsuit could not proceed
because it raised the risk of an outcome that might be inconsistent
with results in actions brought by the Securities and Exchange
Commission (SEC) on investors under the federal laws regulating
securities. According to the court, that threatened the efficient
operation of securities markets.
The court reached its result based on this generalized concern
even though it conceded that under its prior case law, the antitrust
claims could be thrown out only if they were plainly repugnant
to the securities laws. It also conceded that the SEC itself had
forbidden the conduct in question.
In a rare dissent to his usual pattern of pro-corporate rulings,
Justice Clarence Thomas pointed out that the federal securities
laws specifically state that the remedies they provide are in
addition to any and all remedies existing under other laws. Since
the federal antitrust laws were passed in the 1890s, before passage
in the 1930s (following the stock market crash that ushered in
the Depression) of the federal securities laws, Thomas reasoned
that Congress could not have meant to exclude application of the
antirust statutes to securities activity.
In Tellabs, Inc. v. Makor Issues & Rights, LLC,
the court, in a case where plaintiffs alleged in their federal
court complaint that a company and its officers had made false
statements about company earnings and demand for its product,
addressed the standard for alleging what is known in the law as
scienterthe intention to deceive, manipulate
or defraud. In an 8-1 decision authored by Justice Ruth Bader
Ginsburg, the court adopted a high standard that will result in
most securities fraud cases being tossed out by judges at the
outset of a case.
In US federal court for decades, the standard for due process
purposes for a complaint initiating a lawsuit has been that it
need only provide a short and plain statement of facts sufficient
to give fair notice of the claim. All factual allegations in a
complaint are accepted as true for purposes of determining at
the beginning of a lawsuit its legal sufficiency. If a case clears
that initial hurdle, the plaintiff has the right to proceed to
obtain discovery from opposing parties and witnesses of supporting
facts prior to actual trial.
A special rule for fraud cases has also required that the allegedly
fraudulent statements be pleaded with specificity or particularity
In securities fraud cases, however, many courts required only
a general allegation of an intention to defraud, without factual
substantiation, recognizing that usually only defendants themselves
know why they did what they did.
These standards did not please Wall Street. It complained that
defendants routinely facedand often were forced to settle
just to avoidprotracted and expensive proceedings in frivolous
cases. In 1995, during the high-tech bubble, Congress responded
by passing the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995,
signed by President Bill Clinton, imposing heightened pleading
requirements for securities fraud cases.
The 1995 law requires a complaint to set forth facts with particularity
sufficient to explain the reasons why the allegedly fraudulent
statements were false and misleading, and to permit a strong
inference of the defendants intent to defraud. This
has given trial court judges much more leeway, which they have
widely exercised, to dismiss securities fraud cases at the outset,
before corporate and investment banking defendants can be subjected
to court-sanctioned discovery of documents and testimony relating
to the alleged fraud.
The discouraging effect on such litigation has been pronounced.
Shareholder class-action lawsuits filed in federal courts dropped
from a high of 497 in 2001 to 57 so far this year. This decline
was not due to a sudden wave of corporate adherence to scrupulous
honesty. Quite the contrary. The Enrons, WorldComs and Tycos made
it apparent just how large and pervasive corporate securities
fraud had become. Workers have lost billions of dollars in retirement
and investment accounts. But Congress did not amend the 1995 law
to again liberalize pleading standards in response to these scandals.
In practice, it has proven quite difficult for plaintiffs to
obtain the detailed facts that courts have required to meet the
heightened pleading standards of the 1995 law. Naturally, corporate
defendants typically do not freely make public the proof of their
wrongdoing.
The appellate court that decided the Tellab case, the
Seventh Circuit, joined other courts in interpreting the
strong inference of an intent to deceive requirement
of the 1995 law to require only that facts be alleged that would
permit a reasonable person to form the inference that the defendant
had an intention to defraud investors The appellate court worried
that any stricter standard could offend the jury trial guarantee
of the Seventh Amendment of the Constitution, in that it would
substitute the judge in place of the jury as the fact finder.
Given that the federal courts have been stacked under the Bush
presidency with judges hostile to those seeking relief against
business, this concern is far from theoretical.
Under the 1995 law, other appellate courts have required that
the inference of intent to deceive be at least as plausible as
an inference that the defendant had innocent intent. The Supreme
Court decision adopted this latter standard in Tellabs
Justice Ginsburgs opinion states that the facts must be
more than merely plausible or reasonablethey must be cogent
and at least as compelling as any opposing inference of non-fraudulent
intent.
Ginsburgs opinion brushes off the right to a jury trial
with the hollow and inapt observation that courts can always kick
cases out short of trial when the facts alleged or proven do not
permit a reasonable person to infer wrongdoing. But by definition,
a case alleging facts that permit a reasonable inference of wrongdoing
is not frivolous.
In an opinion concurring in the result, right-wing Justices
Scalia and Thomas went even further. They would require that the
inference of scienter must be more plausible than that of innocence.
As they undoubtedly know, if adopted that would for all practical
purposes eliminate securities fraud suits.
Justice John Paul Stevens was the lone dissenter in Tellabs
He would instead apply a standard for pleading scienter of probable
cause, the same burden of proof used for obtaining criminal
warrants and indictments. It is most unlikely that Congress
intended us to adopt a standard that makes it more difficult to
commence a civil case than a criminal case, Stevens said.
The rulings issued the week of June 19 continued a pattern
during the court term that started in October 2007 of decisions
favoring the interests of large corporations against those of
workers, consumers and small investors.
On January 10, in a unanimous decision in Norfolk Southern
Railway Co. v. Sorrell authored by Chief Justice John Roberts,
the court made it more difficult for injured railroad workers
to prove that employer negligence caused injury in cases brought
under the Federal Employers Liability Act, a Progressive-era
statute.
On February 20, in Phillip Morris USA v Williams the
court threw out $72.5 million in punitive damages awarded by a
jury in an Oregon state court in favor of the estate of a deceased
smoker against the tobacco giant for knowingly and falsely leading
the decedent to believe its cigarettes were safe. Justice Stephen
Breyer wrote the opinion, joined in by Justices Souter, Alito,
Roberts and Kennedy.
The court ruled that it violated the due process clause of
the Constitution to permit such damages to be awarded based on
harm to persons who were not plaintiffs in the lawsuit, such as
person in other states. It reached this result even though it
conceded that evidence of practices that harm the public generally
can be relevant evidence of reprehensibility of the
defendant, the criterion for permitting punishment of a defendant.
Justices Ginsburg, Stevens, Scalia and Thomas dissented.
On May 14, the court returned to the lower court for reconsideration,
in light of the Phillip Morris decision, a $57 million
award of punitive damages by a California state court jury against
Ford Motor Company for not correcting known design defects that
caused an SUV to roll over and kill its occupants.
In Bell Atlantic Corp. v. Twombley, decided May 21,
the court addressed a complaint on behalf of a class of consumers
of local phone and internet service. In 1996, Congress passed
the Telecommunications Act, which ended monopolies over local
telephone service by the baby bell phone companies
and required them to share their networks with competitors.
The plaintiffs sued under the federal antitrust laws, alleging
that the baby bells had conspired to restrict competition in order
to inflate charges to their customers. Their complaint alleged
that an agreement to restrict competition could be inferred from
parallel conduct on the defendants parttheir
inhibiting new entrants into the market, and themselves not entering
into the others market areas.
In an opinion authored by Justice David Souter and joined in
by all justices save Stevens and Ginsburg, the court ruled that
the case could not proceed because the complaint had not alleged
specific facts showing that the defendants had actually met and
conspired together. Of course, such defendants rub elbows all
the time at industry conferences and when pooling their lobbying
efforts. The majority opinion nevertheless reasoned that the conduct
alleged was just as consistent with rational separate business
strategies on the part of the defendants as with their conspiring
together to accomplish an illegal restraint of trade. As in the
Tellabs case, the court again emphasized that the burden
on defendants in having to face protracted discovery and other
court proceedings warranted strict screening of antitrust cases
at their outset.
In a dissenting opinion, Justices Stevens and Ginsburg pointed
out that the majority ruling turned the usual rules of court litigation
on their head to require plaintiffs to prove that defendants actually
conspired, before having any opportunity to obtain discovery from
the defendants in that regard. Thus, if defendants were successful
in hiding conspiratorial conduct, they could not be hauled into
court, rewarding the very conduct that was illegal. This result
effectively gutted the longstanding federal procedural rule that
a case may proceed to discovery unless it is beyond doubt that
the plaintiff can prove no set of facts entitling it to recovery.
On May 29 in Leadbetter v Goodyear Tire & Rubber Company,
the court sharply curtailed the ability of workers to sue employers
who engage in pay discrimination. (See US
Supreme Court curbs workers' ability to sue for pay discrimination).
On June 4, a unanimous court in Safeco Insurance of America
v. Burr, in an opinion authored by Justice David Souter, sharply
cut back on insurance company liability under the federal Fair
Credit Reporting Act. That law requires insurance companies to
notify customers if they deny, cancel, reduce or increase charges
for insurance based on the contents of a consumer credit report
and permits suit for damages for violation of these requirements.
A June 11 decision in Long Island Care at Home v. Coke
concerned the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1974, which exempts
from minimum wage and overtime requirements workers employed in
domestic companion care of those unable to take care of themselves,
such as the elderly and invalids. The Department of Labor by regulation
extended the exemption to home companion care workers even if
employed by agenciesoften large companies, rather than by
families or households. In a unanimous decision, authored by Justice
Steven Breyer, the court deferred to the Department of Labor interpretation
of the statute.
The court has issued written opinions in 67 cases so far this
term. By historical standards, the cases involving damage suits
against corporations discussed in this article represent a very
high percentage of cases decided. It is unusual for the court
to choose to decide so many cases of this nature in the course
of a single term. When coupled with the fact that all these cases
were decided in favor of the defendants, a pronounced and deliberate
pro-business shift is evident.
It is significant that this shift is not a product solely of
the courts right-wing bloc of Justices Roberts, Scalia,
Alito and Thomas, in alliance with moderate conservative
Justice Anthony Kennedy. The so-called liberal justices,
Breyer, Souter and Ginsburg, who wrote many of the majority opinions,
are also instrumental in this development More and more, aging
Justice John Paul Stevens is an isolated dissenter in cases challenging
corporate economic power, as he is in cases upholding attacks
on fundamental constitutional rights of privacy and due process.
The court plainly has become more brazen about barring the
courthouse door to plaintiffs who sue large corporations for damages.
Longstanding procedures for challenging the sufficiency of lawsuits
are cynically tossed aside, simply because the court no longer
wishes to countenance any abridgment of what is perceived to be
the right of the largest corporations and banks to operate without
restriction. Ultimately, this refusal to adhere to the law must
reflect a deeper decay in the economic and political foundations
of society.
See Also:
Spate of antidemocratic rulings by US
Supreme Court: Right-wing majority consolidated
[19 June 2007]
Testimony by Justice Department official
sheds light on White House conspiracy to manipulate elections
[7 June 2007]
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