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Former Justice Department official describes illegal actions
by Bush administration in defense of domestic spying
By Joe Kay
17 May 2007
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In congressional testimony on Tuesday, a former top Justice
Department official described how White House officials resorted
to extraordinary actions to defend the administrations illegal
warrantless domestic wiretapping program. The testimony provides
a portrait of an administration that operates outside of the law
in the prosecution of a historically unprecedented attack on democratic
rights.
Former Deputy Attorney General James Comey spoke before the
Senate Judiciary Committee, answering questions from New York
Democrat Charles Schumer. Comey gave details of a dispute between
the White House and high-ranking officials in the Justice Department,
including then-Attorney General John Ashcroft, over the National
Security Agency (NSA) warrentless electronic surveillance operation
initiated by executive order shortly after the September 11, 2001
attacks. The dispute was first reported in the press in early
2006, but only in its broad outlines.
The wiretapping program involves spying on international phone
calls and emails by people in the United States without the benefit
of a court-issued warrant, in violation of the 1978 Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act (FISA). It was so blatantly illegal that it provoked
sharp opposition within the Justice Department, with Bush-appointee
Ashcroft and Comey refusing to certify the programs legality
when it was up for reauthorization in 2004.
Comey was at the time (early March 2004) the acting attorney
general, because Ashcroft was incapacitated following surgery
for pancreatitis. Comey described how White House officials, angered
by his refusal to certify the programs legality, sought
to pressure Ashcroft behind Comeys back to give his approval.
Those most directly involved were then-White House Counsel and
current Attorney General Alberto Gonzales and then-White House
Chief of Staff Andrew Card, backed by Vice President Dick Cheney.
I was concerned that this was an effort to do an end-run
around the acting attorney general and to get a very sick man
to approve something that the Department of Justice had already
concludedthe department as a wholeit was unable to
certify as to its legality, Comey testified.
Comey did not give details on the nature of the Justice Departments
objections, nor what was eventually done to mollify its concerns.
He refused even to explicitly confirm that he was speaking about
the NSA program, citing its classified nature.
The dispute between the Justice Department and the White House
emerged after a review by the Justice Departments Office
of Legal Counsel found that there was no legal foundation for
the spying program.
In line with previous discussions with Ashcroft and the recommendations
of the department, Comey refused to give his approval. The details
of what happened next provide a picture of the type of methods
employed by the White House, even against opponents within the
administration itself.
Ashcrofts wife, who had banned visitors to Ashcroft while
he was recovering from surgery, called Ashcrofts assistant
on March 10, 2004 to inform him that she had received a call,
and that Card and Gonzales would be visiting the disabled
attorney general. Asked who made this call to Ashcrofts
wife, Comey testified, I have some recollection that the
call was from the president himself, but I dont know that
for sure. It came from the White House.
Comey, informed by Ashcrofts assistant of the pending
visit, moved quickly to intervene. Jumping into his car, he told
my security detail that I needed to get to George Washington Hospital
immediately. They turned on the emergency equipment and drove
[with emergency lights flashing and siren blaring] very quickly
to the hospital. Arriving at the hospital he literally
ran up the stairs with my security detail.
Comey was clearly concerned that Card and Gonzales would pressure
a half-conscious Ashcroft to sign onto the spying program without
fully realizing what he was doing. Comey, however, arrived at
Ashcrofts hospital bed first. I immediately began
speaking to him, Comey testified, trying to orient
him as to time and place, and trying to see if he could focus
on what was happening, and it wasnt clear to me that he
could. He seemed pretty bad off.
Comey was so concerned that the White House officials would
resort to thuggish behavior he called then-FBI Director Robert
Mueller and had Mueller instruct the FBI agents present in Ashcrofts
room not to allow me to be removed from the room under any
circumstances.
After a few minutes, Gonzales and Card arrived, and Gonzales
began speaking with Ashcroft, asking him to reauthorize the program.
Ashcroft refused, on the basis of the discussion with Comey and
previous discussions in the Justice Department. According to Comey,
As he laid back down, he said, But that doesnt
matter, because Im not the attorney general. There is the
attorney general, and he pointed to me ... The two men did
not acknowledge me. They turned and walked from the room.
Shortly after this interview, Card called Comey and demanded
that he attend a meeting in the White House that evening. Again
evidently convinced that the White House would resort to thuggish
or underhanded methods, he insisted that he would not meet at
the White House without a witness, choosing Theodore Olson, the
solicitor general.
Unable to secure Comeys support, the White House decided
to go ahead with the program anyway. The program was reauthorized
without us and without a signature from the Department of Justice
attesting as to its legality, Comey said.
This is an extraordinary revelation. The Bush administration,
in violation of the legal opinion of its own Justice Departmentpresumably
responsible for upholding the lawwent ahead with a program
that involves unprecedented attacks on the democratic rights of
the American people.
In response to this move, Comey says that he, Ashcroft and
Mueller prepared to resign from the administration. This evidently
prompted the White House to engage in some damage control to prevent
an open rupture. Bush held a personal meeting with both Comey
and Mueller, and some sort of arrangement was worked out to allow
the spying program to continue, with the Justice Department officials
giving their formal approval a few weeks later.
Comey would not give any details about what the nature of this
agreement was, but it did not involve any fundamental changes
to the program, which has continued to be used to spy on Americans
without warrants. Indeed, the very existence of the program was
not revealed until December of 2005.
This testimony speaks volumes about the modus operandi of the
Bush administration. Comey was a top official in the administration.
He was intimately familiar with the types of methods used by the
White House, and his response in the dispute with Gonzales and
Card was no doubt based on his prior experiences.
The Washington Post, in an editorial on Wednesday, spoke
of a lawlessness so shocking that it would have been unbelievable
coming from a less reputable source. This is indeed the
basic character of the Bush administrationin its handling
of domestic spying, the war in Iraq, and every other aspect of
its policy.
The incident also underscores the illegality of the program
itself. Ashcroft, one of the principal architects of the Patriot
Act and similar legislation, is not known for his defense of democratic
rights. That he, Mueller and Comey felt they had to oppose the
White House is an indication of how unprecedented the new spying
measures of the Bush administration were.
A year-and-a-half after the NSA spying program was first revealed
to the public, its breadth and depth still remain unknown. What
is clear, however, is that the Bush administration has begun compiling
vast databases of phone calls, phone records, emails and other
communications in violation of the FISA Act.
In 2006, a US Federal court ruled the NSA program unconstitutional
and illegal, a decision that is currently under appeal. Meanwhile,
the Bush administration is seeking Congressional approval for
changes in the FISA Act that would expand government powers. The
White House continues to insist, however, that whatever the law,
the president has the constitutional authority as commander-in-chief
to spy on the American people.
There are ample grounds for impeaching everyone involved in
implementing these policies, including the president and vice
president. Arlen Specter, the lone Republican senator to attend
the hearing on Tuesday, noted that the story has some characteristics
of the Saturday Night Massacre. He was referring to Nixons
dismissal of the special prosecutor into the Watergate scandal
Archibald Cox, and the subsequent resignations of the attorney
general and the deputy attorney general.
The Saturday Night Massacre led eventually to the initiation
of impeachment proceedings and the subsequent resignation of Nixon.
In fact, the lawlessness of the Bush administration makes the
actions of Nixon in Watergate look like petty theft.
In spite of this, very little has been made by the Democratic
Party of the illegal spying program and the broader attacks on
democratic rights, and there have been no serious calls for impeachment.
On the contrary, Democratic congressional leaders such as House
Speaker Nancy Pelosi have insisted repeatedly that there will
be no move to impeach Bush, and this stance has been publicly
defended by a number of so-called anti-war Democrats
in Congress.
In fact, the Democrats do not have any principled disagreements
with the Bush administrations attack on the democratic rights
of the American people.
It should be recalled that Senate Democrats helped give NSA
chief Michael Hayden, who oversaw the illegal domestic spying
program, a 78-15 confirmation vote to head the Central Intelligence
Agency in May 2006, and they refused to filibuster Gonzales
nomination to head the Justice Department in February 2005. Among
those voting for Hayden was Charles Schumer.
Since they took control of Congress in January, the Democrats
have said next to nothing about the NSA spying program and other
unconstitutional domestic surveillance operations. Comey himself
was called to testify in connection with the scandal surrounding
the firing of US attorneys, not NSA warrantless wiretapping.
See Also:
Bush officials defend proposal to expand
domestic spying powers
[3 May 2007]
Bush administration seeking
to expand spying powers
[16 April 2007]
Democrats ensure confirmation
of NSA spy chief to head CIA
[25 May 2006]
Bush defends illegal
spying on Americans: the specter of presidential dictatorship
[19 December 2005]
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