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Montreal transit mechanics union capitulates before
threat of strikebreaking law
By our reporters
26 May 2007
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The union representing Montreals 2,200 striking bus and
subway mechanics and maintenance workers concluded a tentative
contract agreement with the public transit commission Friday,
just hours before a 48-hour deadline set by the provincial Liberal
government to end the four-day-old strike via negotiations was
to expire.
The governments threat to intervene if the dispute was
not resolved by 2 p.m. Friday was universally interpreted as meaning
that it was readying strikebreaking legislation to end the dispute,
even though the union had scrupulously adhered to an order from
the Essential Services Council that reduced the strike to little
more than a token protest.
In December 2005, the Liberal government of Jean Charest used
an emergency law to impose a concessions-laden, seven-year contract
on half a million provincial public sector workers. This law provides
draconian penalties should workers walk off the job.
Fridays tentative settlement was first announced not
by the union or by the management of the Société
de Transport de Montréal (STM) [the Montreal Transport
Corporation], but by provincial Labour Minister David Whissell.
This turn of events underlines the role that the government played
in bullying the union into accepting managements demands
for a contract that will cut the mechanics and maintenance
workers real wages.
Although neither the union nor the STM would immediately divulge
details of the agreement, there can be no doubt that the union
abandoned the workers demands and capitulated before the
witch hunt that the political establishment and corporate media
have mounted against the strike.
The union, which is an affiliate of the Confederation of National
Trade Unions, hastened to call for a membership meeting Friday
afternoon so as to press the mechanics and maintenance workers
to immediately return to work.
Under an order of the Essential Services Council, a body created
by a Parti Québécois (PQ) government in 1982 so
as to render public sector strikes impotent, the striking transit
workers have been required to provide full bus and subway service
at peak hours and at the end of the evening during both the week
and on weekends.
Despite these severe restrictions, the politicians and press
have accused the strikers of holding the public hostage
and have depicted them as overpaid fat cats who are indifferent
to the inconvenience the strike represents for the low-paid workers,
pensioners, unemployed and students who constitute the bulk of
Montreal transit-users.
In fact, the transit workers have been resisting a big business
offensive that is aimed at slashing the wages and working condition
of workers as a whole. The STM has insisted on a wage freeze for
2007 and wage increases of just 2 percent per year for the following
four years, which would mean a cut in real wages even if inflation
remains around the current 2 percent level. The STM has also refused
to revisit a concession extracted from the workers in an earlier
negotiation that stipulates that workers retiring after 2020 will
only be able to receive full pensions if they have worked 35 years,
not the current 30.
The campaign against the strikers was spearheaded by Mario
Dumont, whose right-wing populist Action démocratique du
Quebec (ADQ) was catapulted from marginal status into the official
opposition in the March 26 provincial election. Within hours of
the transit workers launching their strike, Dumont was demanding
that the Liberals legislate them back to work.
The Liberals, who were reduced to a minority government by
the recent election, lost little time in following Dumonts
cue. Labour Minster Whissell issued his ultimatum the next day.
The governments hard line against the strike is in keeping
with the sharp swing to the right it has effected in recent months
in an effort to win back the favor of big business, which has
promoted the ADQ as a means of pushing politics far to the right.
On Thursday, the Liberals introduced a provincial budget that
included more than a $1 billion in corporate and personal income
tax cuts, the latter heavily skewed to favor the most well-off
sections of society, and announced the creation of a commission
on healthcare that is meant to pave the way for the privatization
of medical services and the imposition of user fees.
For the union leadership, which is a close political ally of
the big business PQ, there was never any question of linking the
transit workers struggle to a broader working class offensive
in defence of public and social services and workers wages,
jobs and working conditions.
Yet the repeated social movements in Quebec in recent yearsthe
mass demonstrations in 2003 against the Iraq war, the wave of
anti-Charest protests and walkouts in late 2003, and the 2005
post-secondary student strikehave shown there is an enormous
well of opposition to the program being pursued by the Quebec
and Canadian corporate elite and political establishment.
As for the furor the press and politicians tried to whip up
against the transit strikers, there is much evidence to show that
this had little if any impact on working people. The media had
to concede that a protest against the strike organized in the
name of transit users failed to attract even a handful of people.
The reality is that essential serviceshealthcare, education
and social programsin Quebec, as across Canada, have been
ravaged by years of budget-cutting carried out by PQ, Liberal,
Conservative and NDP governments.
In the case of Montreal transit, the portion of the system
financed through provincial and municipal government grants as
opposed to transit fares has shrunk from 44.5 percent to 41.2
percent since 2000.
See Also:
Quebecs parliament reopens:
Full speed ahead to the right, damn the public
[23 May 2007]
The Parti Québécois loses
another leader: whats behind the crisis?
[19 May 2007]
Quebec elections: Right-wing
populist ADQ benefits from mass disaffection with establishment
[28 March 2007]
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