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Germany: Social Democratic chairman attacks train drivers
By Ulrich Rippert
22 October 2007
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Following the nationwide strike by train drivers on Thursday
last week, the Social Democratic Party (SPD) chairman Kurt Beck
directed a fierce attack against the strikers and their union.
Speaking to the N 24 news station, Beck said the Gewerkschaft
Deutscher Lokomotivführer (German Train Drivers Union, GDL)
was using brute force to gain special treatment for itself without
consideration for others. The GDL represents only a small
percentage of rail staff and only a small section
of train drivers. This minority was trying to break away
from the solidarity of all those working for the railways.
The other rail unions Transnet and GDBA had reached a reasonable
settlement, he said, and some now want special treatment
without consideration for others. Beck demanded the management
remain firm and not give way.
With his attack, the SPD chairman has placed himself at the
head of a campaign by politicians and a majority of the media,
together with the DGB union federation, to slander the striking
drivers, isolate them and force their surrender.
During the strike on Thursday, camera teams from all channels
interviewed hundreds of waiting commuters and other travellers,
in order find those who opposed the strike. On Friday, the newspaper
headlines were nearly identical: Majority against GDL strike
(Süddeutsche Zeitung), The mood in the population
changes (Frankfurter Rundschau), etc.
But this was still not enough: Becks attack is aimed
at stirring up a witch-hunt against the striking train drivers.
Threatening letters have been received in the past days at several
railway stations, and management instructed railway security staff
not to intervene in incidents and violence on the part of travellers
that was directed against the strikers. At Berlins Ostbahnhof
station, the strike committee called off its pickets because their
security could not be guaranteed.
It is necessary to powerfully oppose the strikebreakers in
the SPD and trade union headquarters and to defend the train drivers
dispute.
The demagogy of solidarity
What most infuriates Beck and the DGB leaders is the fact that
the train drivers have broken away from a system of collective
bargaining with the DGB union Transnet and the civil service staff
association GDBA (that also represents some drivers), which have
agreed to the systematic dismantling of jobs and the lowering
of real wages in past years.
The solidarity of Transnet and the GDBA consists
of their close collaboration with the Deutsche Bahn (DB, German
Railways) board and support for the privatization plans of management
and the federal government. Transnet boss Norbert Hansen is the
deputy chairman of the DB supervisory board, and is sumptuously
rewarded for this position.
Since the rail reforms of 1994, half the jobs on
the railways have been destroyed, and the present workforce of
185,000 still faces further cuts. Workloads have constantly increased,
while incomes have stagnated, sinking by ten percent in the last
two years. These worsening conditions were all deemed socially
acceptable by the unions, which agreed to them in new contracts
that bear the signatures of Transnet and the GDBA.
The job cuts and constantly worsening conditions have resulted
in Transnet losing many of its members, to the point that it is
no longer able to finance its own bureaucracy. Recently, a television
documentary uncovered the fact that there is a tacit agreement
between Transnet and the rail management for Transnet functionaries
and full-timers on the various works councils to be funded secretly
by DB. In return, Transnet lobbies in support of the privatization
of the railways and works hand in hand with the DB board. The
television report called Transnet, Mehdorns tame trade
union (Mehdorn is the railway CEO).
Except for an indignant declaration against such internal matters
being made public, Transnet has so far not made a single statement
to factually disprove the documentary.
But this solidarity with management is not limited
to Transnet. Another union chairman who never tires of attacking
the striking drivers and denouncing them for breaking solidarity
is public sector union Verdi boss Frank Bsirske. Two years ago,
he was responsible for pushing through the public service collective
agreement (TVöD), which meant significantly worse conditions
for those employed by federal, regional and local government.
Before that, he had agreed to the dismantling of 3,000 jobs in
Berlins urban transport system and a ten percent wage cut.
This spring, when 50,000 employees of Deutsche Telekom opposed
being hived off into a low wage in-house company, Verdi limited
the strike to symbolic protest actions. The union then swung into
action to push through the hiving off and forced staff to agree
to work an extra four hours each week while their wages were cut.
In this case, neither Beck nor the DGB protested against the fact
that Telekom staff were being divided and that those that had
been hived off had a separate, substantially worse collective
agreement. They only speak about solidarity when it
comes to preventing wage increases.
There are almost unlimited examples of this kind of corporate
solidarity and social partnership. Eighteen
months ago, when it became known that IG Metal union representatives
at Volkswagen in Wolfsburg had enjoyed junkets paid for by management,
in return for agreeing to wage and job cuts, it became clear that
was not an exception, but a rather particularly blatant form of
the rule.
It is to be welcomed that the train drivers have quit this
united front of welfare cuts. Their wage demands, which have been
wrongly represented in many media reports quite deliberately,
together with their demand for an independent collective agreement,
are fully justified. At the beginning of June, the World Socialist
Web Site already noted, Those who break out of a straitjacket
in which others are imprisoned are not breaking solidarity, but
chains.
The hysterical barrage that is now being directed from all
sides against the train drivers is meant to intimidate and silence
everyone who dares to fight against the constant worsening of
working and living conditions. That is why it is so important
to give the drivers strike every support possible.
SPD leaders Beck and Müntefering
With his tirade against the engine drivers, the SPD chairman
has also revealed how his conflict with his party colleague, employment
minister Franz Müntefering, should be understood.
The controversy between the two SPD leaders has filled the
media for several weeks. Beck demands changes in the Agenda 2010
welfare and labour reforms, albeit to a very limited
extent. Older workers should receive unemployment pay for some
months longer than is presently the case. Müntefering has
expressed his firm opposition to such a move and warns of a softening
of the labour market reforms.
Despite his differences with Münterfering, Beck remains
committed to the principles of the Agenda 2010. Like Müntefering,
Beck is also interested in maintaining the coercive measures embodied
in the Hartz IV laws that force skilled workers to
accept low-wage jobs after being unemployed for just a short time.
And what Beck thinks of the unemployed was made clear some time
ago, when, on a tour of his hometown Mainz, he berated an unemployed
person, saying he should get a wash and have his hair cut in order
to find work.
Becks gaze is directed toward the DGB. He has accepted
the unions demand to extend unemployment benefits in order
to bind the DGB bureaucracy more closely to the SPD. Also, more
recently, some union functionaries had moved towards the Left
Party of Oskar Lafontaine. Beck fears that a political split would
weaken the DGB, and regards such a development as dangerous. Since
the train drivers strike heralds a radicalization of broader
layers of society, the SPD leaders regard the trade union apparatus
as an extraordinarily important instrument for implementing the
social attacks.
The drivers strike thus contains an important political
lesson. It makes clear that the struggle against inhuman working
conditions and wage and job cuts requires a political break with
the bureaucratic apparatuses of the SPD and the DGB trade unions.
This also applies to the Left Party, which is closely connected
with the DGB bureaucracy and is seeking to co-operate with the
SPD on a number of levels.
It is impossible to avoid a struggle with the SPD and the DGB
bureaucracy, as sections of the GDL are trying to do. The readiness
to strike and militancy of the engine drivers are to be welcomed,
but this can only be maintained and developed by a political perspective
that is opposed to the corrupt politics of social partnership.
In addition to preparing further strike measures, a political
debate must be launched about a fundamentally new political strategy.
Instead of the profit interests of big business, the needs of
working people must be made central and socialist objectives must
be pursued. Production generally, and in such important enterprises
like Deutsche Bahn, must be taken out of the control of the financial
aristocracy and be placed into the service of society as a whole.
In this regard, it is important to make contact with the striking
railway workers in France and striking postal workers in Britain.
A society in which the chairman of DB and his eight board colleagues
could increase their incomes by over one hundred percent to 20
million, and at the same time radically worsen the working conditions
and wages of their staff is neither social nor democratic. A reorganization
of society in the interests of the overwhelming majority of working
people requires European and world-wide co-operation and the building
of an international socialist party.
See Also:
Another letter from a German train driver
[20 October 2007]
Train drivers step up strike action in
Germany
[19 October 2007]
German train-drivers strike: Deutsche
Bahn increases intimidation of train-drivers
[17 October 2007]
German train drivers strike affects
large part of rail network: PSG leaflet provokes vital discussion
[13 October 2007]
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