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Political tensions in Lebanon threaten civil war
By Jean Shaoul
2 October 2007
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The massive car bomb in Beirut on September 19 that killed
Antoine Ghanem, a leading Christian Maronite MP from the far-right
Phalange, and five others has further eroded the slim majority
of Fouad Senioras government and delayed the selection of
the next president.
It has intensified longstanding political tensions that threaten
to erupt into all out civil war in Lebanon. The country is now
the focal point in a regionwide contest between the United States,
Israel, Saudi Arabia, France and its allies, and Syria, Iran and
its allies, Hezbollah and Amal within Lebanon and Hamas in Palestine.
Washingtons objective is to reduce the country to a virtual
US protectorate as a precursor to regime change in Syria and Iran
in order to establish its own hegemony in the oil-rich region.
Its machinations take place against the backdrop of Israels
war against Lebanon last year that killed more than 1,200 people
and destroyed vast swathes of its infrastructure and tens of thousands
of homes, as well as constant US provocations against Iran, an
unexplained Israeli air strike against Syria and a major military
build-up in the Gulf.
Ghanem was the sixth politician allied to the pro-Washington
government to be assassinated since the murder in February 2005
of the billionaire prime minister, Rafiq Hariri. Dozens of innocent
bystanders have perished in this wave of bombings for which not
a single person has been charged.
The assassinations have widely been attributed in the international
media to Syria or Syrian-allied factions within Lebanon, although
no evidence has been put forward to substantiate such claims,
and Syria has strongly denied any involvement.
The Syrian government is more than capable of carrying out
the assassination of its political opponents, but it is hard to
see why it would exacerbate tensions at a time when it is seeking
an accommodation with Washington that would avert the threat of
war. In 1996, the neo-cons now in the Bush administration outlined
plans in A Clean Break: Securing the Realm for neutering
Syria via Lebanon. They called for the containment of Syria, citing
its support for Iran, Hezbollah and Hamas, and rejected any land
for peace deals on the Golan Heights. More recently, the
US has sought a United Nations tribunal to investigate Syrias
involvement in Hariris murder.
It is also entirely possible that the killing was a provocation
organised by Israeli or American intelligence agencies to create
a pretext for carrying through an assault on Hezbollah and Syria
under the cover of the UN. In a country awash with security forces,
it is hard to believe that suspects would not by now have been
rounded up and charged if the government or its allies were not
in some way complicit.
Under UN Security Council resolution 1701 that ended Israels
33-day bombardment last year, UNIFILs expanded forces in
Lebanon, which include NATO personnel, are to assist the security
of the Lebanese government and prevent the import of arms. Once
again, the UN is providing a fig leaf for Washingtons military
operations in the region.
Ghanems death brought to 68 the number that Senioras
US-backed coalition government could muster in the 128-member
Chamber of Deputies, which has all but ceased to function since
Hezbollah members pulled out of the coalition government and boycotted
the Chamber in December of last year.
The Islamists had backed most of the governments neo-liberal
policies, but fell out with Seniora over their demand for greater
representation in the government and constitutional changes in
line with their electoral and demographic support, Senioras
support for an international tribunal to try suspects in the assassination
of Hariri, and opposition to the disarming of Hezbollahs
militant wing.
Support for Hezbollah grew in the wake of its defiant opposition
to the Washington-backed bombardment by Israel, while the government
was widely seen as collaborating with Israel against Hezbollah.
Hezbollah has also opposed the draconian terms of the Paris
donor conference last January, which demanded that in return for
aidyet to materialisefor reconstruction
after Israels bombing campaign that cost Lebanon at least
US$15 billion, value-added tax must be raised from 10 to 12 percent
next year and 15 percent in 2010. This comes on top of fiscal
measures, the sale of state-owned assets and labour market
flexibilities to pay for Lebanons massive US$41 billion
public debt, the legacy of the Hariri government.
Such measures would fall hardest on the impoverished Shia and
Palestinians living in squalid refugee camps that are the Hezbollahs
social base. Far from financing the reconstruction of Lebanon,
the Shia would be servicing Lebanons debt and paying for
the army to suppress Hezbollah militants and their own communities
in southern Lebanon.
Much of the little aid that Lebanon has received has come from
Iran, which has further bolstered Hezbollahs support, while
the Seniora governments paltry compensation for damaged
homes and property has discriminated against the Shia.
Hezbollah has since January mounted massive demonstrations
against the government and camped outside government buildings
in downtown Beirut.
Locked in a power struggle with Hezbollah and backed by Washington,
Seniora is anxious to replace the pro-Syrian president, Emile
Lahoud, due to leave office on November 24, with someone more
sympathetic to his own party.
Tensions were further heightened last Tuesday when several
thousand soldiers, police and tanks cordoned off the parliament
building for the session to elect a replacement for Lahoud. Security
forces escorted anti-Syrian legislators to the parliament from
the Phoenicia Hotel on the Corniche where they had been staying
under armed guard.
By convention, the president must be a Maronite Christian,
most of who are anti-Syrian.
While the ruling Sunni Muslim, Druze and Christian coalition,
known as the March 14th Alliance, wants someone from their own
camp, such a candidate would be an anathema to the impoverished
Shias, who make up more than one third of the electorate. The
rules require a two-thirds quorum of the 128 legislators for the
first round of votes.
There are three candidates from the ruling coalition: Boutros
Harb, a lawyer and former minister; Robert Ghanem; and Nassib
Lahoud, a cousin of the present president and former ambassador
to the US. Washingtons preferred candidate is Riad Salameh,
long-time governor of the Bank of Lebanon. But he is barred as
a government employee from standing.
Army commander Michel Suleiman suppressed the Fatah al-Islam
uprising in Nahr Al-Bared, the Palestinian refugee camp in northern
Lebanon, with the backing of the US, the European powers, the
Saudis, Egyptians and Jordanians. He is seen by some, including
Hezbollah, as another possible candidate. But he too is barred
as a government employee from standing.
Former General Michel Aoun of the anti-Syrian Christian Free
Patriotic Movement (FPM) made a tactical alliance with his former
enemies, the Shiite Moslems, in February 2006, as a means of gaining
the support needed to get himself elected president. Aoun is widely
distrusted. He ran a virtual military dictatorship in the Christian
enclaves in opposition to an elected Muslim government during
the last years of Lebanons civil war from 1989 to 1991,
until he was defeated by the pro-Syrian forces and driven into
exile in France, where he remained until the Syrians left Lebanon
in 2005.
Washington is determined that a pro-US candidate wins the presidency.
The US ambassador, Jeffrey Feltman, a vocal supporter of the March
14th Alliance, said that Lebanon was a strategic partner for the
US in the Middle East, and has prolonged his stay in Lebanon until
after the election, while his replacement has remained in the
United Arab Emirates. The Syrians see this as an attempt by the
US to manipulate the elections via Feltman.
Unable to reach an agreement with the government on a consensus
candidate, most of the 58 opposition MPs from Hezbollah, Amal
and Aouns Christian Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) boycotted
the session in order to prevent Senioras allies from selecting
a pro-US president and thus gaining complete control of Lebanon.
Nabih Berri, the Speaker drawn as the constitution requires
from the Shiite community, adjourned the Chamber of Deputies for
four weeks, in order to give the parties more time to agree on
a compromise candidate.
The current standoff has the potential to produce two rival
governments and reignite civil war. If the chamber is unable to
elect a president by November 24, the outgoing president could
name an interim administrationsetting the scene for dual
power. Lahoud has threatened to appoint a military government
if no agreement is reached.
The ruling clique has already threatened to elect a president
with the simple majority it still commands in the chamber, even
if there is no agreement on a consensus candidate.
In a country that has seen the assassination of two Lebanese
presidents before they could take office and interventions by
the US, Israel and Syria to try to secure the presidency for their
own puppets, an attempt to bypass the two-thirds rule could ignite
civil war.
The opposition has declared that such a move would be illegal
and tantamount to a declaration of war. Aoun warned against such
a vote, saying, Our message is clear. The issue of the legal
quorum is not open to discussion and countries that support such
a president [elected by a simple majority] would have to send
in their armies to protect him.
Whoever becomes president will face the increasingly difficult
task of imposing an economic and foreign policy agenda dictated
by international capital that is inimical to the broad mass of
the population, under conditions in which the US is determined
to find a pretext for attacking Syria and Iran.
See Also:
Humanitarian disaster looms
as Lebanese attack on Palestinian camp continues
[5 June 2007]
Bush administration endorses
anti-Palestinian, anti-Syrian offensive in Lebanon
[25 May 2007]
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