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The Canadian Arar affaircensored report released
How the practice of torture hides behind the slogan of national
security
By Richard Dufour
3 September 2007
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This article first appeared in French on August 23, 2007.
In mid-August, formerly blacked-out portions of the report
on the Arar Commission of Enquiry were released after a Canadian
Federal Court judge ruled in favor of the Commission and against
the Conservative government, which had sought to keep the censored
material secret.
The release of 1,000 of the 1,500 words censored from the report
when it was published in September 2006 adds substantial weight
to a charge that already enjoys much evidentiary support: that
the Canadian security servicesalong with their American
counterpartssystematically use torture in their so-called
War on Terror.
Maher Arar is a Canadian citizen of Syrian origin, who had
been under surveillance by the Canadian secret service. He was
suddenly arrested in September 2002 at New Yorks JFK international
airport, while making a flight connection to Canada after a holiday
in Tunisia.
According to international law, as the holder of a Canadian
passport, Arar should have been sent back to Canada. The American
authorities decided instead to render him to Syria,
a country well known for its human rights abuses. There he was
imprisoned in a cell the size of a tomb and savagely tortured.
He was released one year later without a single charge having
been brought against him.
The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) had provided the American
authorities spurious information based on obvious lies that supposedly
linked Arar to terrorist activities. After Arars deportation,
the RCMP and the Canadian Security Information Service (CSIS)
collaborated with his Syrian jailers, going as far as to send
them interrogation questions.
When Ottawa belatedly sought to have Arar freed, the Canadian
security agencies did everything to prevent this outcome. After
his return to Canada, they mounted a further slander campaign
against him, leaking a supposed confession, which he had made
under torture, concerning his participation in a terrorist training
camp in Afghanistan. In fact, Arar has never been implicated in
any way in any terrorist activity.
All these facts were laid out before the Commission of Enquiry,
established in February 2004 by the Liberal government after Arar
publicly proclaimed his innocence and recounted his horror story.
Nonetheless, Judge Dennis OConnor, president of the Commission,
presented the Arar affair in his September 2006 report as a series
of unfortunate errors and explicitly denied that the actions taken
by police and governmental authorities had displayed any willful
intent. This interpretation did not square with the facts presented
in the same report and, with the release of previously censored
passages, it can now be definitively rejected.
The newly released portions of the report show that the Arar
investigation was set into motion by the confession of another
Canadian held in a Syrian prison, Ahmed el-Maati. El-Maati would
later repudiate his confession as having been extracted through
torture. In September 2002, the RCMP obtained a surveillance warrant
against Arar, without revealing to the Judge that the supposed
evidence justifying it was suspect in the extreme. The police
hid from the Judge that el-Maati had been detained incommunicado
by the Syrian military, well-known for its practice of torture
against prisoners suspected of terrorism. They also avoided mentioning
that a report by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which found
el-Maati in good health in prison, was made following a visit
some nine months after the torture he had endured.
The previously suppressed passages also reveal that the government
was well aware of the fate that American authorities were planning
for Arar and did nothing to stop it or to condemn his extraordinary
rendition. It puts the lie to OConnors categorical
claim in his report that Canadian officials did not participate
or acquiesce in the American decisions to detain Mr. Arar and
remove him to Syria.
As early as October 11, 2002, a CSIS agent posted in Washington
reported that the FBI and the CIA had found a roundabout means
of making people suspected of terrorism talk. A now-released passage
from the Commission Report explains that in 2002 the CSIS agent
spoke of a trend they had noted lately that when the CIA
or FBI cannot legally hold a terrorist subject, or wish a target
questioned in a firm manner, they have them rendered to countries
willing to fulfill that role. In another note dated October
10, 2002, CSIS Assistant Director of Operations Jack Hooper wrote,
I think the U.S. would like to get Arar to Jordan where
they can have their way with him. These documents were written
only two days after Arars expulsion to Syria.
The newly released passages also include a statement by a CSIS
delegation following its November 2002 trip to Syria that the
Syrians did not appear to view this as a major case and
seemed to look upon the matter as more of a nuisance than anything
else. In other words, the Canadian authorities knew that
Syria had no hint of proof against Arar, but they did nothing
to get him out of his torture cell and left him rotting in prison
for a year.
The press has reacted to these new revelations by seeking to
stifle all debate over the effective use of torture by Canadian
authorities and its threatening implications for democratic rights.
The Globe and Mail, principal mouthpiece for Canadian
business, published an editorial blaming the entire Arar affair
on the American government. The United States ... has never
admitted its error or made amends to Mr. Arar or to Canadians
generally, it wrote.
The editorial carefully avoids any mention, let alone any examination,
of Ottawas role in this affair. It is silent on the Harper
governments refusal to condemn Washington, either for its
illegal deportation of a Canadian citizen to a third country,
or for its decision to keep Arar on the list of presumed terrorists,
even after a Public Enquiry in Canada declared him innocent.
For his part, Prime Minister Harper has swept the new revelations
under the rug, stating, [w]ere talking about events
that occurred under the previous [Liberal] government. It
was his government, however, which sought to prevent the publication
of the suppressed passages. Harper has inadvertently let slip
a critical aspect of the Arar affair, that is, that it has implicated
all elements of the Canadian ruling classLiberals and Conservatives,
security services and judges, as well as the media.
Harper has good reason to divert public attention away from
the Arar affair. His government is presently engaged in a much
larger cover-up operation than the suppression of the OConnor
report. The new affair concerns three other Canadian citizens
who were arrested and tortured abroad with the probable complicity
of the Canadian security services: Abdullah Almalki, Muayyed Nureddin
and the above-mentioned Ahmed el-Maati. The Conservative government
has set up a Commission of Enquiry whose proceedings are being
held in secret and with the mandate that no information harmful
to national security be divulged.
Whenever social tensions mount, the Canadian ruling class has
traditionally used Commissions of Enquiry to let off a bit of
steam, while continuing to pursue its class policy. Now even this
small concession to popular sentiment has become unmanageable
for them. There is good reason to accept such secrecy as
the necessary price of vigilance, writes John Ibbitson,
a leading Globe and Mail columnist, justifying the Harper
governments censoring of the OConnor report.
No section of the political or media establishment is seriously
attached to the defense of democratic rights. These can only be
protected and developed by the independent struggle of the working
class.
See Also:
Ottawas apology
to Maher Arar
[6 February 2007]
Canada: the Arar affair
and the RCMP Commissioners resignation?the cover-up continues
[20 December 2006]
Bush administration
denies responsibility for torture of Canadian
[22 September 2006]
The Maher Arar case:
Washingtons practice of torture by proxy
[18 November 2003]
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