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Australias Iguanagate: the politics of scandal
By Laura Tiernan
30 June 2008
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For three weeks now (and counting) the population at large
in Australias premier state has been forced
into the role of captive audience for a scandal dubbed Iguanagate.
The nations media outlets have seized on a series of relatively
minor incidents in pursuit of aims that have little to do with
the aggressive tendencies of a female MP.
By now the bare bones of Iguanagate are probably
familiar to all in Australia who own a television set or pick
up a newspaper. On June 6 John Della Bosca, a senior minister
in the New South Wales (NSW) government, and his wife Belinda
Neal, a federal Labor backbencher, visited Iguanas Waterfront
Bar in Gosford, just north of Sydney. When their party was asked
to shift to a different table, Neal allegedly abused staff, shouting
at them: Dont you know who I am?
In an agitated state, Neal allegedly threatened to revoke the
restaurants liquor licence and have police visit the venue
every weekend to shut it down.
Neals behaviour and the couples subsequent shabby
efforts at cover-upincluding intimidation of personal staffers
and the alleged drafting of false statutory declarationsare
clearly unimpressive. They also backfired badly. Waiters and bar
attendants publicly challenged the power-couples version
of events, no doubt angry they had been treated like lowly vassals.
Patronage at Iguanas has since leapt by 25 percent, a significant
show of support for the clubs workers against a government
widely regarded as arrogant and contemptuous of ordinary people.
But words of caution are in order.
As a rule, the process by which a capitalist politician finds
him- or her-self suddenly reduced to pariah-status, or conversely,
elevated to god-like invincibility, has little to do with the
actual characteristics of the politician concerned. Anything is
possible. A Labor head-kicker like Paul Keating, protégé
of the anti-Semitic former NSW state premier Jack Lang, can be
easily air-brushed into a pin-up boy for contemporary multiculturalism
and big-vision politics. A sleazy numbers man like
former Labor MP Graham Richardson can appear as a marsupial-hugging
minister for the environment.
According to insiders, Neals aggressive behaviour has
been an open secret among NSW press gallery journalists for years.
So why the publicity now? Suddenly, in June 2008, no stone is
being left unturned in the fight to expose Neals erratic
conduct. In the face of such a media campaign it is always necessary
to take a step back (and a breath of fresh air) and ask the question:
whats the story behind the scandal?
Since news of their night at Iguanas first broke on Sunday
June 8, the Fairfax-owned Sydney Morning Herald has led
the charge on Iguanagate. Of seventeen editions since
June 9, eleven have placed Neal and Della Bosca on page one. In
the sensationalist and racy tone that is fast becoming the Heralds
house style, the June 12 edition carried a screaming front-pager
which could have been lifted straight from Ezra Nortons
Truth: Belinda Neal is explosive with her husband
ran its headline, She keeps a list of enemies in her freezer.
With competition like this, Rupert Murdochs muck-raking
tabloid Daily Telegraph had some work to do. Its June 12
front-page headline ran RAGING BELINDA while the day
before, the paper carried two separate front pages: a state of
origin football wrap-around which yelled SACK THEM
and another page-one headline (and photo-spread) devoted to Labor
MPs amazing soccer field attack: NEALS RED CARD RAMPAGE.
Photographs of a bedraggled and clearly distressed Neal have
been plastered throughout the print and electronic media. The
only thing missing from these dreadful photos is a pair of devils
horns. The World Socialist Web Site holds no brief for
Neal, but there is something disturbing about this type of personal
vilification. The scale of the media furore bears no relationship
to the Labor MPs original crime. We are not, after all,
dealing with Adolf Hitler, but with a federal backbencher who
clearly requires some sort of professional emotional assistance.
Three short years ago the very same media outlets unleashed
a hate campaign against then state opposition leader John Brogden.
Let us recall that sections of the political establishment had
decided the new Liberal leader was not to their liking, and set
about, behind the scenes, to remove him. These anti-democratic
methods were exceedingly blunt. Senior editors and reporters dredged
up various boozy indiscretions, portraying the married father
of two as a sexual predator and racist. The result was Brogdens
attempted suicide. Will News Limited and Fairfax editors perhaps
allow a similar fate to befall Neal before they desist from their
current relentless baying?
Behind all the gutter journalism and moral hysteria over Iguanagate
there are definite agendas at workbut they have nothing
to do with concern over Neals rudeness toward hospitality
workers, or her perversion of the course of truth and justice.
This is the bourgeois media we are talking about! The crimes
of Neal and Della Bosca pale into insignificance besides, for
example, the brazen lies and disinformation spread by politicians
and media outlets on a daily basis to justify Australias
ongoing military occupations of Iraq, Afghanistan, East Timor
and the Solomon Islands.
Had Iguanas hospitality staff dared protest last year
against WorkChoices they would not have been interviewed by A
Current Affair or featured on the front page of the Sydney
Morning Herald. Were their parents among those who
protested in February against the threat to thousands of local
power station jobs as a result of privatisation, the Herald
would have described them as unrepresentative rabble.
Indeed, it is instructive to pose the following question: At
what point did Iguanagate burst onto the political
scene? And if Iguanagate did not exist, what stories
would have appeared in its place?
The hysterical baiting of Neal and Della Bosca has provided
a major distraction from serious political crises afflicting the
entire political establishment. Prior to June 8, the stories making
front page news at the Herald were those relating to the
Iemma governments electricity privatisation pushrejected
by a whopping 85 percent of the publicand its state budget,
which introduced, among other measures, a punitive 2.5 percent
cap on public sector wages.
Opposition by millions of working people toward the state Labor
government found reflection in the Australians Newspoll
findings, gathered over a two month period and published on June
25. It found Iemmas approval rating slumped at 26 percent.
His disapproval rating, a crushing 63 percent, was the worst result
for a state premier since Newspoll began in 1985.
While Iguanagate has provided a major headache
for Iemma, it has taken the heat off a deeper problem as he moves
to impose the single most unpopular decision of Labors 12
years in office. What no Newspoll could capture were the far-reaching
conclusions undoubtedly drawn by masses of people as the Labor
premier stood side-by-side with Liberal leader Barry OFarrell
on June 16, announcing a sweetheart deal to ram through privatisation
enabling bills in flagrant defiance of the vote of Labors
own state conference. Political relations in NSW were becoming
dangerously exposed.
The Sydney Morning Heralds editors campaigned
fearlesslyfrom their offices in Darling Harbourfor
the privatisation of the states electricity assets. Editorials
and comments castigated government ministers, lest they cave in
to... overwhelming public sentiment. Iguanagate was
that newspapers final contribution to the cause, a lightning
rod momentarily deflecting opposition from the inner-mechanics
of a privatisation coup and drowning it in salacious gossip, character-assassination
and scandal. Mission accomplished.
As for the Liberals, the night of the Iguanas was an absolute
godsend. Here at last was a point of difference between Labor
and OFarrells opposition Liberals! At a press conference
held on June 11, OFarrell alleged a cover-up of Watergate
proportions, a comparison in equal parts ludicrous and desperate.
The sheer scale of OFarrells histrionics served to
mask his partys bi-partisan support for every aspect of
Labors free-market agenda.
For the financial and business elite, the situation in NSW
is serious. The state is highly exposed to the global liquidity
crisis. The finance and insurance sectors account for 10 percent
of the states economy (nearly double the national average)
and business investment in the state is expected to halve next
year. An infrastructure meltdown is adding further fuel to the
fire. Under these conditions the scale of Labors unpopularity
poses real problems. How will business weather the looming storms
with such a widely reviled and incompetent crew? The Heralds
editorial on Thursday June 26 spelt out the conundrum as follows:
If the NSW government was a business, it would be in receivership.
It is not a matter of money. This bankruptcy is far worse. It
is a deficiency of talent, of basic managerial ability.
The problem faced by business is the lack of a viable opposition.
Whats the alternative? State and federal Liberals merely
offer differing angles in a process of political implosion and
irrelevancy. Herein lies another element of Iguanagate. Like all
scandals it acts as a warning-shot or headmasters cane,
keeping incumbent governmentsin both Macquarie Street and
Canberrain line and on their toes.
In this way the ruling elite presses its agendawith utter
ruthlessness, concealing its real aims and objectives from the
public view.
Next time the hired hands at Fairfax or News Limited spring
a scandalof any descriptionwatch for the fine print.
If Iguanagate did not exist, they would need to invent
it. Or something very much like it.
See Also:
Australia: Labor strikes deal with Liberals
to push through NSW power privatisation
[19 June 2008]
Australia: NSW Labor embroiled
in corruption scandal
[7 March 2008]
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