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WSWS : Correspondence
What makes the Communist Party of the Philippines Stalinist?
By Peter Symonds
29 May 1998
To: editor@wsws.org
Subject: Stalinist CPP
Pray tell me what makes the CPP and NDF Stalinist organisations?
Secondly, what would be the socialist version of a people's
organisation that exists now in the Philippines?
Finally, where were the genuine "socialist" forces
during the People's Power Movement --- after all, this movement,
no matter how flawed did get the dictator out, yes?
I look forward to your analysis. Thank you.
JG
Dear JG,
Thank you for your inquiry to the World Socialist Web Site
regarding the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the
National Democratic Front (NDF).
To answer your questions:
1. What makes the CPP and the NDF Stalinist?
The only reliable way of determining the orientation and outlook
of any political party or tendency is through a class analysis
of its origins and its program.
Stalinism is based on the the reactionary nationalist outlook
of "socialism in one country," first elaborated in 1924
by Bukharin and Stalin in the struggle against the Marxist perspective
of socialist internationalism defended by Leon Trotsky and the
Left Opposition.
The CPP was founded in 1968 on the basis of Mao's peculiar
combination of Stalinism, Chinese nationalism and peasant radicalism,
developed in the aftermath of the defeat of the Chinese revolution
of 1925-27. Under Mao, the Chinese Communist Party tore itself
away from its roots in the working class and turned to peasant
guerillaism.
The CPP's chief ideologist and founding chairman, Jose Maria
Sison, in his book Philippine Society and Revolution, added
nothing to the formulae of Stalinism other than a dose of Filipino
nationalism. The consequences of Stalinism for the working class
in the Philippines have been just as disastrous as elsewhere.
Fundamental to Stalinism is its opportunist adaptation to the
national capitalist class, based on the so-called "two stage
theory". In countries like the Philippines, the Stalinists
assert that socialist demands cannot be advanced until the tasks
of national independence, democracy and land reform are carried
out by the bourgeoisie.
But the experiences of this century have revealed, over and
over, the utterly servile character of the national bourgeoisie
in the Philippines and other backward capitalist countries. The
working class is the only force capable of resolving the outstanding
democratic tasks by fighting to take power and establish a workers
and peasants government to reorganise society on the basis of
social need rather than profit.
Cory Aquino's "peoples power" revolution in 1986
and the subsequent events in the Philippines demonstrated, once
again, the incapacity of the bourgeoisie to carry out democratic
or agrarian reforms. Aquino, like Marcos, was subservient to the
interests of the US and other major powers, on the one hand, and
inextricably tied to big landed interests in the countryside,
on the other.
During 1986, Sison and the CPP leadership oscillated wildly
between denouncing Aquino as "a fascist" and attempting
to form an alliance with her, on the grounds that there was a
"democratic" tendency in the new government.
What is common to these seemingly contradictory positions is
the CPP's hostility to a patient political struggle to break the
illusions among Filipino workers that an Aquino government would
fulfill their needs and aspirations for democratic rights and
improved living standards.
By consciously fostering such illusions, the CPP enabled Aquino,
backed by the US and sections of the military headed by Ramos,
to exploit the extensive mass movement against Marcos for their
own class purposes.
2. You ask: "After all, this movement, no matter how flawed,
did get the dictator out, yes?"
It is rather shortsighted to view the Marcos regime as simply
the product of an individual dictator. Like the military dictatorships
in South Korea, Thailand, Indonesia and elsewhere in the region,
Marcos served the interests of big business -- both at home and
abroad -- to brutally suppress any opposition to the exploitation
of a rapidly expanding working class.
The installation of Aquino corresponded to the changing needs
of international finance capital, which was why she received the
backing of the US. As the global integration of production has
developed over the last two decades, so the needs of capital have
become more complex. Investors require not only cheap labour but
access to banking, finance, insurance, telecommunications, transport
-- areas of the economy rigidly controlled by Marcos and his cronies.
Marcos was ousted in 1986 but the profit system which spawned
him remained intact. Under Aquino and then Ramos, the government
implemented a series of economic "reforms" aimed at
opening up broad areas of the Filipino economy to international
finance capital. At the same time, living standards of the Filipino
masses have continued to deteriorate. The limited land reform
initially proposed by Aquino was quickly ditched.
The latest national elections reveal that the same big business
groupings and cliques dominate every aspect of economic and political
life in the Philippines. The deep economic crisis throughout the
region is having a devastating effect on the living standards
of workers, peasants, the unemployed and the urban and rural poor.
The next president Joseph Estrada is pledged to continue the
demands of big business for further "economic restructuring"
which will certainly lead to escalating unemployment and poverty.
3. Where were the genuine "socialist" forces during
the people's power movement?
As we are today, the international Trotskyist movement was
fighting for the political independence of the working class in
the Philippines from all sections of the bourgeoisie, and establishing
the basis for a socialist alternative.
The Socialist Equality Party in Australia [then the Socialist
Labour League] produced a series of articles exposing in detail
the role of Sison and the CPP, warning of the dangers of the Aquino
regime and elaborating a program for the formation of a socialist
party of the working class in the Philippines.
The articles by Nick Beams, the SEP national secretary, are
published in a pamphlet " The way forward for the Philippine
Revolution ". If you wish to examine these political
and theoretical issues, I would urge you to purchase a copy and
study it carefully. It can be ordered online through the World
Socialist Web Site or by writing to Mehring Books at PO Box 367,
Bankstown, NSW, Australia, 2200.
Regards,
Peter Symonds
World Socialist Web Site Editorial Board
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