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Mass graves begin to reveal scale of atrocities in Indonesia
Thousands killed in Aceh
By Mike Head
28 August 1998
Mass graves were unearthed last week in the Aceh region, on
the northern tip of Sumatra, pointing to the murder of thousands
of people by the Indonesian military regime during the late 1980s
and early 1990s and also last year. In the wake of General Suharto's
resignation last May, hundreds of widows and orphans have come
forward with evidence of atrocities, forcing the government's
own National Commission on Human Rights to intervene.

Distraught widows and torture victims looked on last Friday
as four Commission investigators dug up three sets of bones from
remote sites containing the remains of dozens of alleged Islamic
separatists and others killed by troops.
On returning to Jakarta, Baharuddin Lopa, the Commission's
secretary-general, who led the official team, said the group counted
781 "violent" deaths during military operations between
1989 and 1998. The mission also recorded at least 163 disappearances,
368 cases of torture and 102 of rape. Nine mass graves had been
identified, he said, noting that the total was provisional.
Lopa estimated that, based on the finding of 12 bodies in a
single pit in Bukit Seuntang, in North Aceh district, the eight
graves in that area alone could yield the remains of more than
100 bodies. Other observers said the total for all the graves
could be 5,000 victims.
Evidence of military torture and executions was clear. Skeletons
were found with holes in their skulls, probably from bullet wounds,
forensic doctors said. One, a male, was blindfolded, dressed only
in underwear, with his arms bound behind his back by an army belt.
The Commission's visit followed a parliamentary delegation
that heard testimony from victims last month at sessions attended
by some 1,000 people, mostly widows and orphans of disappeared
men. On July 29, the Achenese daily newspaper, Serambi Indonesia,
said an official report had found evidence of 1,679 corpses and
victims, with 359 cases reported on one day that week.
What has been uncovered so far is only a fraction of the abductions
and murders implemented by the military dictatorship over the
past decade, with the full knowledge and support of Western governments.
According to a spokesman for an Aceh non-government forum, an
estimated 39,000 or more people have disappeared since 1989. As
early as 1992, international human rights organisations such as
Asia Watch and Amnesty reported that mass killings were taking
place.
In a series of moves to placate the hostility of local people,
the military regime now headed by President BJ Habibie has announced
the withdrawal of 1,000 combat troops from the province by August
31 and declared it will compensate victims. The first contingent
of 250 troops left the industrial city of Lhokseumawe on August
20, as a crowd of 500 people cheered, shouted abuse and shook
their fists. However, regional newspapers have reported that some
6,000 to 12,000 troops will remain.
Aceh, formally a "semi-autonomous province" of Indonesia,
has been under military occupation since 1980, when it was declared
a military operational zone, giving the armed forces powers to
conduct house-to-house searches, roadblocks, identity checks and
body searches. The most ferocious crimes were committed from 1989
to 1992 in response to guerilla resistance mounted by a separatist
movement, Free Aceh.
Opposition to the Jakarta regime was fuelled by the gap between
the enormous natural wealth extracted from the area and the poverty
of most of the population. Following the discovery of oil and
gas along the eastern seaboard, Aceh contributed 30 percent of
Indonesia's oil and gas exports by the end of the 1980s. Also
rich in timber and some plantation crops, Aceh accounted for 11
percent of the country's total exports. Yet a 1993 survey by the
government's statistics bureau conceded that some 40 percent of
Aceh's villages could still be classified as "poor".
By plundering the region's resources in partnership with an
array of multinationals, the Suharto dictatorship proved to be
no less rapacious and oppressive than the Dutch colonial forces
against whom the Acehnese people fought a 40-year war of resistance
from 1873, with continued eruptions of fighting until 1942. The
Aceh War was the longest ever fought by the Dutch, costing the
colonial forces tens of thousands of lives. Together with the
eastern island of Bali, Aceh was the last area of the so-called
East Indies subjugated by the Dutch.
Strategically located at the top of the Malacca Straits, Aceh
has a long history of prosperity and conflict with colonial and
central authority. As a trading centre, it become the first point
of Islamic influence in the region during the eighth century.
An Islamic kingdom was established by the year 804. In 1292, Marco
Polo on his voyage from China to Persia reported the existence
of six busy trading ports, including Samudera (now Lhokseumawe).
In 1511 the Portuguese seized the nearby strategic port of
Malacca, pushing Asian and Arabic traders to develop the port
of Aceh. It dominated trade and politics in northern Sumatra and
the entire region, reaching its zenith between 1610 and 1640.
Then the arrival of the Dutch and British began an arbitrary colonial
carve-up of the territories now known as Malaysia, Singapore and
Indonesia.
Under the London Treaty of 1824, the British ceded the Dutch
control over British possessions in Sumatra in return for their
withdrawal of all claims on Singapore and surrender of enterprises
in India. Initially, the British insisted that the Dutch could
not attack Aceh, a stipulation that was withdrawn in 1871. For
the next 70 years Dutch rule alternated with fresh rebellions.
Following the Japanese occupation and surrender during World
War II, political and social turmoil erupted in Aceh, as it did
across the archipelago. In Aceh the traditional petty landed nobles
( uleebalang) who had served the Dutch and the Japanese
were ousted by Islamic religious teachers ( ulama). This
layer channelled the unrest into hostility to Javanese economic
and political domination, and sought an Islamic rather than a
secular state.
In 1953 they mounted a rebellion against the Sukarno administration,
which was not fully suppressed by the central government forces
nor completely resolved by the creation of a separate province
of Aceh in 1956. After the Suharto-led military coup of 1965,
the anti-communist ulama were mostly integrated into the
New Order regime. Their children, given educational privileges,
tended to become the technocrats and bureaucrats of a petrochemical-dominated
local urban economy, while the working class and rural population
languished in poverty.
These conditions provided fertile ground for the emergence
of the secessionist Aceh Merdeka or Free Aceh movement, which
took up a short-lived armed struggle against the Suharto regime
from 1989. Over the ensuing three years, the military junta deployed
12,000 troops against some 750 guerillas. The rebellion was brutally
suppressed at the cost of thousands of civilian lives.
Throughout this period, the Suharto regime restricted outside
access to the area, while the capitalist powers, including the
US and Australia, turned a blind eye to the reports of atrocities.
Having helped instal the military dictatorship in the coup and
mass killings across Indonesia in 1965-66, they continued to back
Suharto as the most stable instrument for retaining a tight grip
over the Indonesian masses.
In Aceh, as in East Timor and West Papua (Irian Jaya) the Suharto
junta, no less than the Sukarno government, proved incapable of
economically and politically unifying the archipelago. Fundamentally
subservient to global capital, the Indonesian capitalist class
is organically unable to carry through the democratic tasks of
liberation from imperialist oppression.
Now that the Indonesian economy is disintegrating and the Suharto
regime is in crisis, the Western media and governments have chosen
to publicise the mass graves in Aceh to a certain extent. The
Habibie regime itself has issued an apology for the past suffering.
The regime, the local elite and various international powers are
primarily interested in control over the oil, gas and timber wealth
of Aceh.
For the working people of Aceh and the region as a whole, one
conclusion that must be drawn from a bitter history is that no
section of the capitalist class, whether based in Aceh, Jakarta
or the global markets, can or will meet the aspirations of the
masses for democratic rights, social equality and freedom from
national oppression.
See Also:
Secret Timor documents implicate former
Whitlam government in Australia
[25 August 1998]
The struggle for democracy
in Indonesia
What are the social and political tasks facing the masses?
[23 May 1998]
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