Social Democrats win Dutch election
By Peter Schwarz
9 May 1998
The Labour Party (PvdA) of Prime Minister Wim Kok emerged as
the winner in the Netherland's national elections, held on May
6. The social democrats increased their vote from 24 percent to
29 percent, and won 45 seats in the 150-seat parliament. Their
coalition partner, the right-wing liberal VVD, also registered
an increase in its percentage of the vote, and gained 38 seats
in the legislature. Together these two parties now have an absolute
majority and are no longer dependent on the Democrats (D'66),
the third partner in the ruling coalition. D'66 lost ten of its
former 24 seats.
The Christian Democrats, the strongest party in parliament
until 1994, continued its decline and received only 18 percent
of the votes cast.
Wim Kok described the election result as a confirmation of
his "Polder-Model." This policy combines "free-market"
economics with extensive state regulation of the resulting social
dislocations. Labour "flexibility," draconian wage reductions
and sharp cuts in social programs are combined with the promotion
of low-wage and part-time labour, and forced-work programs for
the unemployed.
By such means, the official unemployment rate, which stands
at 12 percent in countries like Germany and France, has been reduced
to below five percent--at a terrible price. Every third job is
part-time, and wages are correspondingly low. Poverty is spreading.
In the space of two years the number of millionaires has increased
by a third, while one in ten households live at the poverty level.
The combination of right-wing economic policies and massive
state intervention provided the basis for the coalition of social
democrats and right-wing liberals in 1994. Until then these two
tendencies had been considered the opposite poles of Dutch political
life.
While both of these parties gained in the May 6 election, a
more detailed analysis demonstrates that their electoral success
does not indicate widespread support for their policies. The social
democrats, despite their gains, could not overcome the losses
they suffered in 1994, after the collapse of their four-year coalition
with the Christian Democrats. Their May 6 result remains three
percent lower than the share of the vote they obtained in the
election of 1989.
Their electoral support is, moreover, far less stable than
it was in past decades. In the 1970s many workers unshakably supported
the social democracy. But today, when all parties promote essentially
the same policies, and none of them articulate the needs of the
masses, voting behavior is far more influenced by momentary moods
and short-term influences.
Only the palest of campaigns was waged in the run-up to the
election. As one well known pollster, Maurice de Hond, commented:
"For the first time in, say, 70 or 80 years, the Labour Party
and the Liberals are together in government, and they want to
govern again after the election. They are really not enemies anymore.
They are putting on a show. Everyone knows, including the parties
themselves, that they will work together after the election. And
so, basically, there is no campaign."
Nevertheless, below the placid surface, there are many indications
of sharp political tensions. Because none of the parties contesting
the election addressed the burning social issues, this political
vacuum was filled by a strange coalition of the Catholic Church,
the Young Socialists, trade unionists and small businessmen. Under
the slogan "Take time to live," they protested overwork
and poverty. Within three weeks they collected 300,000 signatures
against what they called the "Nonstop, 24-hour economy."
In the election itself the desire for an alternative was reflected
in a considerable growth on the left side of the political spectrum.
GreenLeft and the Socialist Party more than doubled their vote.
They have eleven and five seats in the new parliament, respectively.
GreenLeft is an ecologist party that places great emphasis on
social questions. The Socialist Party has emerged from a former
Maoist group.
The far-right Center Democrats, on the other hand, who had
three seats in the old parliament, have all but disappeared.
Also available in German
See Also:
How the government, trade unions and
employers are organising the redistribution of wealth in the Netherlands
[1 May 1998]
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