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WSWS : News
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Economy : Globalization
The merger between Chrysler and Daimler-Benz:
what it means for workers
By Editorial Board
8 May 1998
The takeover of Chrysler Corporation by Daimler-Benz in a $38
billion stock deal is a powerful demonstration of the globalization
of the world economy. The largest industrial company in Germany,
and in Europe as a whole, is acquiring one of the biggest American
corporations, creating a transnational giant with a work force
of 410,000 and an annual output of over $130 billion.
The combination is the largest industrial merger in history
and the biggest-ever acquisition of an American company by an
overseas concern. The merged company, to be called DaimlerChrysler,
will be the fifth largest auto maker in terms of the number of
vehicles produced, ranking after GM, Ford, Toyota and Volkswagen.
In terms of the value of the vehicles, DaimlerChrysler, will rank
third. If DaimlerChrysler were a country, it would rank 37th in
the world in terms of Gross Domestic Product, just behind Austria,
but well ahead of six other members of the European Union--Greece,
Portugal, Norway, Denmark, Finland and Ireland.
Unlike recent auto industry mergers, which frequently involved
the gobbling up of small or failing companies by more powerful
rivals, the Daimler-Chrysler deal involves two highly profitable
companies, with combined net earnings of $5.7 billion in 1997.
Daimler-Benz has rebounded from losses in the early 1990s to post
record profits, while Chrysler makes a larger profit per vehicle
than any other auto manufacturer.
The driving force behind the combination is the necessity to
create ever-larger globally-based enterprises which can compete
in all the major markets of the world, and especially in the three
main centers of world capitalism: North America, Europe and Asia.
Before the merger, Chrysler and Daimler-Benz were essentially
regional producers--Chrysler with the third-largest market share
in North America, Daimler-Benz controlling the luxury market in
Europe.
Chrysler was compelled to sell its European and Latin American
operations during its financial crises of the 1980s and early
1990s. Last month it sold only 17,713 vehicles outside North America,
compared to nearly a quarter of a million vehicles in its home
market. Daimler-Benz only opened its first plant outside Europe
last year when it began assembling a sport-utility version of
the Mercedes-Benz at a plant in Tuscaloosa, Alabama.
Neither company has a facility in Asia. At their joint press
conference in London, both Daimler-Benz Chairman Jurgen Schrempp
and Chrysler Chairman Robert Eaton hinted that the next step might
be the acquisition of a Japanese company, possibly Mitsubishi,
a former Chrysler partner, to round out the merged company's global
presence.
In the wake of the merger, financial commentators and auto
industry analysts predicted that the remaining regional auto manufacturers
would be compelled to combine into global-scale firms in order
to compete with GM, Ford, Toyota, Honda and the new DaimlerChrysler.
They cannot remain nationally-limited manufacturers, selling to
a national market. As one analyst told the Times of London,
"The country flags have come down and the flag of profitability
has gone up."
The coming attack on jobs
Both Schrempp and Eaton declared that the merger would not
mean any plant closures because the two companies do not compete
directly in most markets. These claims, uncritically echoed in
the bulk of the media coverage of the event, do not hold water.
Even if there are no immediate plant shutdowns, the merger is
certain to cause widespread displacement among white collar and
technical workers, as DaimlerChrysler moves to centralize administrative
and engineering operations.
Daimler-Benz has cut 40,000 jobs since 1995, when Schrempp
became CEO, and officials at the German company said that one
of the most attractive features of Chrysler was its "expertise"
at cutting jobs and slashing costs. Chrysler has shrunk from 160,000
to 79,000 workers since the early 1980s.
Whatever the short-run impact of the merger, a principal goal
of every such combination is to consolidate operations and achieve
economies of scale, which inevitably involves the destruction
of jobs. This fact was underscored by Compaq Computers' announcement,
on the same day as the formal announcement of the auto merger,
that it would slash 15,000 jobs at Digital Equipment Corporation
as a result of a merger announced earlier this year.
The Detroit News referred to estimates that the merger
would involve "writeoffs of up to $25 billion from closing
underused plants worldwide." News columnist Jon Pepper
interviewed Chrysler Chairman Robert Eaton and wrote that the
Chrysler boss was guided, not by immediate profit considerations,
but by concerns over the company's prospects over the next decade.
"What drove Eaton to move was a potentially calamitous
shakeout in the global auto industry," Pepper wrote. "He
worried about the growing overcapacity in the world's automotive
industry. By 2002, he figured, there would be 80 more assembly
plants than the market demanded, an overcapacity equal to six
Chrysler Corporations."
This gigantic surplus of productive capacity is "excess"
only from the standpoint of capitalism, because it means that
far more cars can be produced than can be sold at a profit. This
productive capacity cannot be put to use, within the framework
of the profit system, to meet the needs of people all over the
world for cheap and convenient transportation. Instead, it looms
over the industry, insuring that the next downturn in the business
cycle will have dire consequences for auto workers and the working
class worldwide.
Last year alone there were 750 auto-industry mergers and acquisitions
worth a total of $28 billion, as car and parts manufacturers combined
operations and shed jobs. The $38 billion Chrysler-Daimler merger
insures that 1998 will see a record volume of such combinations.
Globalization and the unions
The Daimler-Benz takeover of Chrysler is part of an enormous
outflow of capital from Germany, as giant corporations like Hoechst,
Bertelsmann's, Siemens and Volkswagen buy foreign companies or
invest in new plant and equipment outside the country. In the
last year alone, ten times as much was invested by German companies
overseas as foreign companies invested in Germany.
The goal of this investment is to achieve higher profits by
obtaining labor at cheaper rates than these corporations currently
pay within Germany itself. Volkswagen has purchased Skoda, the
biggest Czech manufacturer, while Siemens acquired the electrical
equipment business of Westinghouse and now has more than half
its corporate work force outside Germany.
Daimler-Benz has bought or built plants throughout the former
Soviet bloc. Its most recent excursion in search of low-paid labor
is to Alabama, where labor costs were less than half the $29-an-hour
which the company pays in Stuttgart and other German cities.
Peter Hans Kailbach, manager of the Tuscaloosa plant, gushed
about the advantages of the American South in an interview with
the Washington Post. "It's been a great experience,"
he said. "The product standard matches anything built in
Germany, and the cost advantages are extraordinary."
The takeover of Chrysler is likely to followed by a further
shift in production by the merged company from Germany to North
America, slashing the jobs of German workers while, in the short
term, maintaining or even temporarily increasing the number of
jobs in the US and Canada.
This explains the enthusiastic support for the merger from
the union bureaucrats of the United Auto Workers and the Canadian
Auto Workers. They count on increasing their dues income at the
expense of their counterparts in the German IG Metall. Moreover,
the UAW and CAW bureaucrats hope that Daimler-Benz officials will
extend to America the corporatist policies carried out in Germany
under the rubric of "co-determination." Under the German
system, union officials are given half the seats on the corporation's
board and play a more substantial role in the administration of
the business than their American counterparts.
Co-determination, however, has nothing to do with genuine industrial
democracy, workers' control or socialism. It is only a more developed
form of the labor-management collaboration which the UAW has embraced
over the past two decades, sacrificing the jobs and living standards
of auto workers in return for well-paid perks and posts for union
bureaucrats.
Despite the selfish and nationalistic calculations of the UAW
and CAW, however, there is no question that American and Canadian
workers, like their class brothers and sisters in Germany, will
feel the effects of the merger and the overall onslaught on jobs,
living standards and working conditions.
Schrempp's own record is a warning. The Daimler-Benz CEO spent
a total of 11 years running the company's operations in South
Africa under the apartheid regime. He also spent two years in
Cleveland, Ohio, running a truck plant which the company had acquired,
until he convinced top management that the plant was unprofitable
and should be sold off. As soon as he became CEO in 1995, he sought
a confrontation with the German auto workers, unilaterally abrogating
a longstanding policy on sick leave which provoked a series of
bitter strikes.
The alternative for the working class
The Chrysler-Daimler merger demonstrates the urgent necessity
for the working class to develop an international strategy to
fight the attacks of globally organized capital. It demonstrates
the backwardness and stupidity of those, from union bureaucrats
to middle class ex-radicals, who seek to limit the working class
to struggles within a national framework, or waged by purely trade
union methods. It underscores the incapacity of the old nationally-based
labor organizations to provide an effective means of struggle
for the working class.
The capitalists organize their operations on a global scale,
and the working class must respond in kind. The accelerating pace
of the global integration of production is an objectively determined
process, fueled by the revolutionary developments in technology
and the inherent drive of the productive forces to overcome the
stifling limitations of the national market.
To "oppose" globalization is no more viable than
to oppose the law of gravity. The question is: on what basis,
and in whose interests will this process be carried forward? In
so far as globalization takes place on a capitalist basis, carried
out from above by the transnational corporations and the industrial
and financial elites of the various countries, it will mean ever
more brutal attacks on the working class.
If, on the other hand, the working class unites its forces
internationally and carries out a revolutionary political struggle
against the profit system, establishing its control over the productive
forces, the vast potential of the global economy will be harnessed
to dramatically raise the material and cultural level of the world's
population.
The International Committee of the Fourth International is
the only political movement which seeks to unite the international
working class in a common struggle, based on a socialist program.
The Chrysler-Daimler merger is another powerful proof that only
the perspective of socialist internationalism offers a way forward
for working people.
Also in German
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See Also:
A bonanza for speculators
[May 8 1998]
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