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WSWS : News
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Labor government boosts police powers
Sydney shooting sparks witchhunt against youth
By James Conachy
11 November 1998
The Labor Party government and the mass media in the Australian
state of New South Wales are utilising a November 1 incident,
where gunshots were fired at the Lakemba police station in Sydney's
southwestern working class suburbs, to whip up anti-immigrant
sentiments and introduce sweeping new police powers.
Without any evidence, the state's Labor Premier Bob Carr openly
stated what the media coverage implied--that the shooting was
carried out by a "gang" of youth from the local Lebanese
community. He immediately foreshadowed laws to give police the
power to cordon off entire districts with roadblocks and stop
and search vehicles.
Responding directly to demands issued by Police Commissioner
Peter Ryan, the Labor leaders will rush legislation into parliament
this week authorising any police officer to set up a road block
for six hours, or longer with approval from a commissioned officer.
Police will be able to halt all vehicles and demand ID checks
of drivers and passengers--a power currently confined to drivers
allegedly breaching traffic rules. Failure to comply will carry
a $5,000 fine or 12 months' jail.
Premier Carr also swiftly granted police requests for bullet-proof
vests. This is in line with Ryan's depiction of parts of Sydney
as similar to Northern Ireland, long under military occupation.
The Daily Telegraph, Rupert Murdoch's tabloid newspaper
in Sydney, ran a front-page headline declaring the
incident "An Act of War". Its editorial labelled the
shooting a "guerilla attack" and the perpetrators as
"terrorists".
The media has deliberately focussed on the Arabic descent of
many youth in Sydney's southwest, in attempts to link the shooting
to international terrorism and Islamic extremism. The Telegraph
referred to "dangerous ethnically based gangs".
A state election, due for March, is looming as a law-and-order
contest between Labor and the conservative parties, with each
promising more draconian and repressive laws directed against
youth and crime, with far-reaching implications for basic democratic
rights.
The Liberal Party opposition has called for the right to bail
to be eliminated for people charged with violent crimes. It has
pledged to empower police to demand identification details at
any time and to compel citizens gathered in public to leave on
police instruction. The Liberals have supported demands for police
to be armed with capsicum gas spray and extendable batons.
The incident at the Lakemba police station took place in the
context of rising tensions in the southwestern suburbs following
the October 17 killing of 14-year-old Edward Lee, who was stabbed,
apparently in a fight involving a number of youth. The media,
citing police reports, referred to his suspected assailant as
being of "Middle Eastern appearance".
Under the pretext of investigating Lee's tragic death, police
carried out a campaign of harassment and provocation in the area,
raiding homes and canvassing streets repeatedly. Lurid media charges
of open drug-dealing in the neighbourhood were followed by police
allegations that youth of Arabic origin were refusing to name
the culprit.
In a show of strength just three days before the police station
shooting, 130 officers conducted an 18-hour blitz in nearby Bankstown,
cordoning off a major shopping mall and searching people at random.
Police said they arrested 24 people and laid 71 charges, primarily
for possessing knives or drugs. Many passers-by were stunned by
the operation.
A local Arabic community leader, Khali Chami of the Lakemba
Islamic Welfare Centre, said "police were unjustifiably stopping
and searching anyone of Middle-Eastern appearance".
The operation utilised laws recently passed by the Labor government
outlawing the possession of knives and authorising police to search
anyone "suspected" of carrying a knife.
In the aftermath of the police station shooting, representatives
of local organisations objected to the media and official stereotyping
of the Lebanese community as a nestbed of youth criminals. Some
suggested that the problems among young people had their sources
in the prevailing social conditions of unemployment and poverty,
rather than ethnic origins.
This brought a much-publicised rebuke from Premier Carr.
"Unemployment is not a justification for taking an automatic
weapon and shooting at police, that's not on," he told a
media conference. "You're dealing here in any case with a
gang that is fully employed; fully employed in criminal behaviour."
He referred to organised drug-running and car theft.
Carr went on to declare that "the people [the Lebanese
gang] trying to destroy the Australian way of life will simply
not succeed".
But even if the police station shooting were the work of a
criminal gang, how could the involvement of youth in serious crime--such
as drugs and car theft--be divorced from the underlying social
conditions? If young people had access to first-class education
and social facilities and could aspire to decent well-paying employment,
would they be drawn into such activity?
Carr's remarks beg a further question: if it is not the social
conditions they face that have led a layer of youth into criminal
and anti-social activity, where do the causes lie? The implication
is that crime is the product of the character or genetic makeup
of the individuals who carry it out--or in this case an entire
section of the Lebanese community.
Carr blurted out the position of a ruling elite that has increasingly
repudiated the entire notion that the key to overcoming social
ills lies in improving the conditions of life. A return is being
made to a social policy based on the medieval outlook that categorised
peoples' actions according to moral concepts of good and evil.
Criminals commit crime because ... they are criminals. People
do evil things because ... they are born evil.
This racial scapegoating serves a definite purpose. It is to
block any serious examination of the social disaster confronting
many working class youth and to divert attention away from those
responsible--including Carr's government itself.
Southwest Sydney is beset by poverty and deprivation. Average
real incomes in the area have plunged 10 percent in the last decade.
It was once an industrial area, but numerous factories have closed
or restructured. Full-time employment has been steadily replaced
with temporary contracts or part-time working.
Moreover, the gulf between such working class regions and the
affluent neighbourhoods has become ever more stark. Sydney, like
most major cities around the world, has become acutely divided
along social lines. Average incomes in Sydney's elite eastern
suburbs and on the North Shore of Sydney Harbour--labelled "Global
Sydney"--are now more than twice those of the Lakemba-Bankstown
area and the rest of working class Sydney--classified as "Industrial
Sydney".
Governments, both national and state, have intensified these
underlying economic processes. They have slashed funding for welfare,
health, education and community facilities. Low-cost housing areas
like the southwest, which draw recent immigrants, are suffering
the consequences of the abolition of welfare payments and social
services for new arrivals for their first two years. Reports are
surfacing of entire families suffering from malnutrition.
Youth unemployment averages 30 percent in the Bankstown region,
where a large proportion of the population is aged 12-24. A generation
is growing up with limited prospects, scarce jobs and little money.
Few recreational or sporting activities are available, except
those that are beyond their financial reach. Immense wealth is
paraded before their eyes every day--expensive cars, mansions
and entertainment--yet they are denied access to it
The sight of young people sitting around parks, railway stations
or shopping centres, obviously with nothing to do, is a universal
one. Shopping mall managements have a policy of evicting teenagers.
Youth are frustrated, bitter or just bored. There has been a predictable
increase in reports of petty crimes and social ills like drug
abuse and fighting.
Having helped create these conditions, governments at all levels
have responded to this social malaise by punitive and repressive
measures, including curtailing the rights of youth to congregate
in public.
The Carr Labor government has given the lead. A centrepiece
of Labor's 1995 election campaign was Carr's remark that any young
person who wore a baseball cap backwards was a "gang member".
Upon taking office the Labor leaders boosted police numbers by
at least 500 and increased foot patrols. Last year they introduced
the Children (Protection and Parental Responsibility) Act,
which allows police to detain minors under 18 without charges
for up to 24 hours and to implement curfews in declared areas.
This law also makes parents liable for the conduct of their children,
as if they are to blame for the state of society.
The Labor-controlled southwest Sydney local councils of Canterbury
and Bankstown have provided further grounds for police to harass
youth by resurrecting long defunct "loitering" laws.
They have erected "No Loitering" signs at virtually
every railway station and in most public places. With nowhere
else to go, youth have continued to gather, leading to increased
confrontations with, and mounting hostility toward, the police.
Behind the official offensive against youth are profound tendencies
within the economy and society. In order to attract investment
to their shores and maintain corporate profitability, governments
worldwide are presiding over unprecedented levels of inequality
and misery. Incapable of taking measures to alleviate the resulting
social blight, they have only one course left to them--increased
state repression, including sweeping police powers and the abolition
of long-held civil liberties.
See Also:
Labor governments push debate about naming
juveniles facing criminal charges
[10 November 1998]
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