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CBS admits being duped over Bush National Guard memos
By Patrick Martin
24 September 2004
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The so-called memo-gate affairthe use of
apparently fabricated documents as part of a CBS News report on
President Bushs National Guard service during the Vietnam
Warhas been the occasion for much media hand-wringing, as
well as harangues from the right wing about alleged liberal bias
on the part of CBS and anchorman Dan Rather.
The moralizing of media pundits about a decline in journalistic
standards is perhaps the most repulsive aspect of the affair.
What standards? The American media is among the most corrupt and
subservient institutions in the world.
Night after night, the network news programs pump out lies,
most of them supplied verbatim by spokesmen for the US government.
The slaughter of the Iraqi people is liberation. The
torture of prisoners is the result of a few bad apples.
Rising poverty and insecurity at home are economic recovery.
An election in which the choice is restricted to two right-wing
multimillionaires is democracy.
To hang CBS for credulously accepting fabricated memos is like
indicting Enron for failing to pay parking tickets. It is the
least of the networks sins. Rather and company may have
been fed phony documents, but the basic story is obviously true
and hardly disputed. Bush, who today postures as an intransigent
wartime leader, sought to escape military service in Vietnam and
received privileged access to the National Guard due to the political
connections of his wealthy family.
There are nonetheless serious political issues raised by the
CBS debacle. Perhaps most striking is the double standard of those
condemning CBS, who have not vented a tenth as much outrageif
anyover the far more grievous crimes against the truth committed
by the Bush administration.
There were, of course, the flat-out lies about Iraqs
alleged connections to Al Qaeda and Saddam Husseins possession
of WMD stockpiles. There were also forged documentsthose
that were fabricated to prove that Iraq sought to
purchase uranium from Niger. Bush cited the forgery-based evidence
in his 2003 State of the Union speech.
As for CBS, the most remarkable aspect of the 60 Minutes
debacle is the staggering level of incompetence displayed by the
networks leading journalists. If the current version of
the storys origins is accurate, CBS received the memos from
former Texas National Guard official Bill Burkett. The documents
detailed concerns by Bushs former National Guard commander,
the late Jerry Killian, that he faced political pressure to sugarcoat
his performance evaluations of Bush. Killian also complained of
Bushs refusal to show up for a physical exam required for
maintaining his status as a pilot.
Burkett himself is a well-known supporter of the Democratic
Party in Texas, and an active opponent of Bush personally. In
an interview with Dan Rather after the scandal broke, Burkett
admitted that he had lied to the network about where he got the
National Guard memos. But the network itself neither subjected
the memos to a serious forensic examination, nor contacted Burketts
alleged source, another former National Guard official. Instead,
within five days of receiving the documents from Burkett, the
network broadcast a lengthy report on 60 Minutes.
What gave this subject such burning urgency? It is not simply,
as the Bush campaign and the Republican National Committee maintain,
that CBS was showing political bias in favor of Democratic candidate
John Kerry. CBS joined with the other television networks last
month in echoing and magnifying the smear campaign against Kerry
launched by a group of right-wing Vietnam veterans, the misnamed
Swift Boat Veterans for Truth.
The CBS affair is another demonstration of the degeneration
of American political life into a morass of mud slinging and finger
pointing, empty of all genuine content. Neither the two big-business
parties nor the media are capable of any objective engagement
with the real social and political issues that confront the vast
majority of working people, because this would require addressing
the great unmentionablethe vast growth of social and economic
inequality in America. Instead, they resort to scandal mongering
and personal attacks.
From the standpoint of the Bush campaign, such diversions are
essential, since the incumbent would otherwise have to run for
reelection on the basis of his actual record: the security failures
before and on 9/11, bloody and illegal wars of aggression, huge
tax breaks for the wealthy, unprecedented attacks on democratic
rights, the worst record of job creation since Herbert Hoover.
The Bush campaign has a constant need to change the subject.
August was occupied by the Swift boat smear campaign; September
is taken up with the phony National Guard memos. As far as the
Republican campaign is concerned, that leaves only one more month
in which public opinion must be distracted and confused.
The Democratic Party resorts to similar methods, although,
as in other respects, what the Republicans do with reckless and
brazen abandon, the Democrats do in a halfhearted and cowardly
fashion. It is entirely possible that Democratic Party officials
were involved in instigating the CBS report. But Democratic dirty
tricks have been largely focused on opponents on their leftSocialist
Equality Party candidates in Illinois and Ohio, the Nader campaign
in dozens of states.
One connection has been definitely established: Kerry campaign
adviser Joe Lockhart, former press spokesman in the Clinton White
House, telephoned Burkett before the 60 Minutes program
aired, after Mary Mapes, the storys producer, called him
and said Burkett wanted to speak with the Kerry campaign. According
to both Lockhart and Burkett, the two men discussed Burketts
concern that Kerry was not responding aggressively enough to the
Swift boat smear campaign, not the issue of Bushs National
Guard service.
If there was Democratic involvement in the production of false
documents, this only provides a further demonstration of the inability
of the Democratic Party to offer any political alternative
to Bush, Cheney & Co. The Democrats support the war
on terror, they advocate American military victory in Iraq
and the crushing of all Iraqi resistance, they demand financial
austerity at home and tax cuts for business. They cannot make
a genuine appeal to the masses of working people who increasingly
oppose the war and who face deepening economic insecurity, because
the Democrats, like the Republicans, uphold the interests of US
imperialism and the financial aristocracy that dominates American
society.
There is also considerableand eminently plausiblesuspicion
that the Bush campaign itself played a role in the doctored memos,
as a preemptive strike in an area where Bush seemed vulnerable
to attack. Bushs top campaign adviser, Karl Rove, has a
previous record of such methods, fabricating a claim of dirty
tricks by political opponents when he was managing a Texas Republican
gubernatorial campaign. Back then, he announced he had found a
bug in his office planted by the Democrats. The bug was later
traced back to Rove himself. (The treasurer of that 1986 campaign,
according to the LA Weekly, was Bob Perry, the principal
financier of this years Swift boat slanders.)
Once the network was in possession of the alleged memos, a
CBS reporter went to the White House and showed them to Bush communications
director Dan Bartlett. This occurred half a day before the 60
Minutes program aired. Bartlett did not dispute their validity,
even arguing that the text of the memos bolstered Bushs
own account of his National Guard duty.
CBS reportedly took this response as confirmation that the
memos were genuine. This could well have been a setup, a deliberate
effort by the Bush White House to encourage the network to use
forged documents, so that the Republicans could unleash a well-planned
counterattack that would discredit Rather and CBS, and shift attention
from the message of the 60 Minutes program to the
messenger.
Within a few hours of the broadcast, the first rebuttal of
the documents, citing obscure technical details like the fonts
available on IBM electric typewriters in the 1960s, was being
posted online. The source was not an expert in typography, but
Harry W. MacDougald, an Atlanta attorney who is an active participant
in the right-wing network of lawyers and political activists mobilized
as part of the anti-Clinton campaigns of the 1990s.
MacDougald, who helped draft a legal petition to the Arkansas
Supreme Court seeking to disbar Clinton over the Monica Lewinsky
affair, is a member of the right-wing Federalist Society and serves
on the advisory board of the Southeastern Legal Foundation, a
right-wing legal advocacy group. He is also a Republican representative
on the Fulton County Board of Registration and Elections.
Since then, top Republican Party officials and their media
allies at Fox television and the Wall Street Journal have
portrayed the memo affair as a crime of constitutional dimensions,
more important than the deteriorating US economy or the disasters
in Iraq. Ed Gillespie, chairman of the Republican National Committee
(and former Enron lobbyist), declared, I think it is time
Senator Kerry came clean about all the contacts between CBS, his
campaign and Bill Burkett, adding there was evidence of
complicity in attempted character assassination against
Bush.
The response of CBS to this political barrage has been further
prostration before the Bush administration. On September 23, the
network announced that it had chosen former attorney general Richard
Thornburgh and retired Associated Press executive Louis Boccardi
to investigate the networks handling of the Bush National
Guard story.
The selection of Thornburgh, a former Republican governor of
Pennsylvania, is remarkable, since he owes a considerable political
debt to the Bush family. Thornburgh was appointed to his cabinet
position in 1987 on the recommendation of George H.W. Bush, then
vice president, and was retained in the cabinet after the senior
Bush won the 1988 presidential election. Now he has been named
to head a probe into a news program that charged the younger Bush
obtained favorable treatment in the National Guard thanks to the
political influence of his father, Thornburghs political
patron.
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